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March 10, 2006
Sunday's congressional elections
Colombians go to the polls on Sunday to elect a new Congress. Pro-Uribe parties are expected to do quite well, as are candidates supported by the paramilitaries (there is some overlap between these two categories). Candidates from the Polo Democrático Alternativo, a unified leftist third-party, are expected to make a stronger showing than the left has ever done before. However, they will still be far behind the pro-Uribe parties and the Liberals, a “traditional” party opposed to Uribe from a more centrist perspective.
Here is an excellent overview of who is who, focused on Colombia’s Senate elections, put together by Gabriel Bustamante Peña, an analyst for the Bogotá-based INDEPAZ think-tank. I found it to be so useful that I’ve translated it into English.
The political parties in the Senate race
By Gabriel Bustamante Peña, advisor to the Institute for Study of Development and Peace, INDEPAZ
Much information obtained from http://www.terra.com.co/elecciones_2006/partidos/, web pages of political parties, and interviews with the parties’ leaders.
March 6, 2006
Party
| Political tendency
| Candidate heading the party’s Senate list | Main positions
|
Alas Equipo Colombia (“Wings Colombia Team”)
| A pro-Uribe party in the government’s coalition. It is a fusion of Alas, a faction of the Liberal Party, with Equipo Colombia, a faction of the Conservative Party. It claims to be independent and centrist. | Álvaro Araújo Castro
| Support for re-election and for the “Justice and Peace” law with the AUC. Support for Uribe’s “Democratic Security” policy. Proposes the country’s federalization. Support for the free-trade agreement with the United States. Against the de-penalization of abortion or the legal recognition of gay couples. Questioned for ties to paramilitaries in Cesar and Sucre, and for clientelistic behavior with the current government. Its internal democratic procedures are very precarious, with decisions in the hands of a few regional leaders. |
Alianza Social Indígena (Indigenous Social Alliance)
| A party originating within the process of ethnic minorities’ campaign for seats reserved for them. It has lately encouraged participation of campesino and afro-Colombian communities, as well as social organizations.
| Jesús Piñacue, Eulalia Yagari
| Opposition to immediate reelection. Does not support the free-trade agreement with the United States. Does not support Uribe’s “Democratic Security” policy, as it considers it to be against indigenous and campesino communities. Against the “Justice and Peace” law because it generates impunity. Supports recognition of gay couples and the de-penalization of abortion in special cases. Its internal democratic procedures are “regular.” |
Autoridades Indígenas de Colombia (Colombian Indigenous Authorities)
| A party originating within the process of ethnic minorities’ demands for representation.
| Lorenzo Almendra, Ramiro Estancio | Against the Uribe government’s “Democratic Security” policy and the inequalities inherent in immediate re-election. Against the free-trade agreement with the United States. Does not support the “Justice and Peace” law, viewing it as going against the rights to truth and reparations. Against abortion in any circumstance. Supports gay rights. Its internal democratic procedures rely on traditional customs. |
Radical Change (Cambio Radical)
| An openly pro-Uribe party representing a breakaway faction of the Liberal Party. | Germán Vargas Lleras | Supports “Democratic Security” and Uribe’s re-election. Supports the free trade agreement with reservations. Supports the “Justice and Peace” law but with some criticisms. Rejects the de-penalization of abortion and rights for gay couples. Its internal democratic procedures are very weak. |
Colombia Democrática (Democratic Colombia)
| An eminently pro-Uribe party, configured around President Uribe.
| Mario Uribe Escobar
| Promotes President Uribe’s re-election. Supports “Democratic Security” and the free-trade agreement with the United States. Totally supports the “Justice and Peace” law and negotiations with the AUC. Supports abortion in special cases. Not in agreement with rights for gay couples. Has no internal democratic system; decisions are made by the party’s chief, Mario Uribe, and mainly influenced by President Uribe’s government. |
Colombia Viva (Colombia Alive)
| Pro-Uribe party created by the union of legislators from the Caribbean coast and, currently, protestant evangelical groups.
| Jorge Enrique Gómez Montealegre
| Supports President Uribe’s re-election and his “Democratic Security” policy. Supports the free-trade agreement. Supports the “Justice and Peace” law and the AUC process. Does not support the de-penalization of abortion and considers gays to be their enemies. The party has been criticized for accepting candidates expelled from other parties for ties to paramilitaries. Has a weak system of internal democratic procedures and its organizational positions are exclusionary. |
Convergencia Ciudadana (Citizen Convergence)
| Party created by former M-19 members and labor unions. At first, it was meant to be in opposition to traditional parties. Today, it is allied with several former military officers and has declared itself to be pro-Uribe.
| Gabriel Acosta Bendek | Supports President Uribe’s re-election. Supports the free-trade agreement. Supports the “Justice and Peace” law and negotiations with the AUC. Supports abortion in special cases and the rights of gay couples. It has been criticized for clientelistic practices, and for accepting candidates expelled from other parties for ties to paramilitaries. Its system of internal democratic procedures is disorganized; its relations are more electoral than political. |
Partido de la U (“U” Party)
| A party created around the figure of President Uribe. It is one of several parties that claim to be “the” party of Uribe. | Gina María Parody
| Supports President Uribe’s re-election. Totally supports all of the Uribe government’s policies. The majority of its members say that they do not support the rights of gay couples. With regard to abortion, they have no clear position, and they consider the “Justice and Peace” law to be a contribution to peace. Its system of internal democratic procedures is incipient, and decisions are generally left up to its chief, Juan Manuel Santos, according to the government’s indications. |
Partido Dejen Jugar al Moreno (“Let Moreno Play” Party)
| A party configured as a project of Senator Moreno de Caro. An unconditional ally of the Uribe government.
| Carlos Moreno de Caro | A force behind President Uribe’s re-election and an author of the “Justice and Peace” law. Supports the free-trade agreement. Has no position on either abortion or the rights of gay couples. The party has been criticized for accepting candidates expelled from other parties for ties to paramilitaries. It has no system of internal democratic procedures, as it is a personal project of Sen. Moreno de Caro. |
Movimiento Independiente de Renovación Absoluta (MIRA) (Independent Movement for Absolute Renovation) | Began as a political organization of the International Church of Christ (Iglesia de Jesucristo Internacional). The churches of “Dios Ministerial de Jesucristo,” which have been opened in various cities in Colombia, are the backbone of its political structure. Its policy is to make no alliances with other parties or movements.
| Alexandra Moreno Piraquive
| Critical of the immediate re-election of the president. Does not agree with the proposed free-trade agreement with the United States. Supports the “Justice and Peace” law but with reservations due to its generation of impunity. Not in agreement with abortion under any circumstance, and openly opposes gay rights. Does not have a system of internal democratic procedures, it makes unilateral decisions and excludes sexual minorities from participating. |
Conservatismo Independiente (Independent Conservatism)
| Originated as a dissident faction of the Conservative party configured around the thought of Álvaro Gómez Hurtado [a powerful right-wing politician assassinated over a decade ago]. Declared to be in opposition to the Uribe government.
| Hugo Artundaga Salas
| Critical of the immediate re-election of the president and of the free-trade negotiations with the United States. Supports the “Justice and Peace” law and privileges dialogue with illegal armed groups. Rejects abortion and the granting of rights to gay couples. Its system of internal democratic procedures is very weak. |
Partido Conservador Colombiano (Conservative Party)
| One of Colombia’s traditional parties. Its origins are found in the centralization movement originating in the independence era, and promoted by Simón Bolívar after the second war of independence. It consolidated through relations between large landowners and the Catholic church hierarchy. It has been a main participant in presidential elections, with several of its members elected president during its history. Today it is absent from the presidential race and has become a party unconditionally allied to President Álvaro Uribe. | Ivan Díaz Mateus
| Supports the president’s immediate re-election. Totally supports the free-trade agreement with the United States and the “Justice and Peace” law. In total disagreement with the de-penalization of abortion regardless of motive. Rejects the legalization of the rights of gay couples. Has an internal, regional system of democratic participation for the integration of its leaders.
|
Partido Liberal (Liberal Party)
| The party that has historically confronted the conservatives. Originated in the federalist currents during the independence period and consolidated from a base among artisans and merchants during the 19th century. A principal participant in the country’s political history. Today, after a strong division, it has officially declared itself to be in frank opposition to President Uribe. | Cecilia López Montaño
| Opponents of the president’s immediate re-election, the party punished with expulsion those members who disagreed with this position. Opposed to the contents of the free-trade agreement and to its signature and approval, and opposed to the “Justice and Peace” law and the AUC negotiations. Officially supports the rights of gay couples and the de-penalization of abortion in special cases, though some of its members disagree. It has developed a system of internal democratic procedures that reserves spaces for women, young people and ethnic minorities, not just in party leadership but on the ballot. |
Polo Democrático Alternativo (Alternative Democratic Pole)
| This party originated in 2002 with the convergence of different independent parties and movements on Colombia’s “democratic left.” Among these were Alternativa Política Colectiva (APC) and the Frente Social, which initially presented Luis Eduardo Garzón’s 2002 presidential candidacy. Afterward [in 2003], he was formally elected mayor of Bogotá as the PDI [Polo Democrático Independiente] candidate. In its consolidation process it has managed to unite with many important movements, such as “Visionarios,” ANAPO, Vía Alterna, unions, NGOs, indigenous sectors, regional movements, sexual minorities’ movements, and the congressional bloc of Alternativa Democrática, with which it united to form the Polo Democrático Alternativo. This is its first congressional election as a political party. It officially opposes the political principles of Alvaro Uribe’s government. | Gustavo Petro Urrego
| Strong opponents of the immediate re-election of the president. Critics of the “Justice and Peace” law and the AUC negotiations. It has denounced AUC relations with various political and business sectors in Colombia, especially pro-Uribe sectors. It opposes a free-trade agreement with the United States and proposes Latin American integration as an alternative. It approves of the de-penalization of abortion and rights for gay couples. It has developed a democratization process within its structures to give space to women, young people, regions, and ethnic and sexual minorities, as well as the institutionalization of spaces for collective decision-making. However, for important decisions it has been criticized for the strong influence wielded by its members who are in the Congress. |
Movimiento Político Comunal y Comunitario (Communal and Community-based Political Movement)
| A party originated from the confederation of Juntas de Acción Comunal (JAC), quasi-official community or neighborhood advisory bodies present throughout Colombia. It organized as a party after the 1991 constitution’s enactment, and was formally recognized in 1997. Though a communal initiative, only 10 percent of the JACs are active in this movement. | Salvador Rincón Santos
| Opposed to the immediate re-election of the president. Rejects the free-trade agreement with the United States. Does not accept the “Justice and Peace” law or the negotiations with the AUC, due to the victims’ weak position in the process. With regard to de-penalization of abortion and the rights of gay couples, it has no positions. Its system of internal democratic procedures is clouded by the dominance of electoral alliances.
|
Por el País que Soñamos (For the Country We Dream Of)
| The political grouping of former Bogotá Mayor Enrique Peñalosa, who decided not to run as a Liberal Party presidential candidate this year. Instead, Peñalosa first briefly ran for president against Uribe, then quit and now heads the Senate candidate list for this political movement, which declares itself to be 100 percent pro-Uribe. | Enrique Peñalosa Londoño
| Supports the president’s immediate re-election and the “Justice and Peace” law. Supports the implementation of the free-trade agreement with the United States. Supports the de-penalization of abortion in special cases and is ambiguous about the rights of gay couples. Does not have a system of internal democratic procedures and decisions are made by Enrique Peñalosa himself.
|
Visionarios con Antanas (Visionaries with Antanas) | The political project of former Bogotá Mayor Antanas Mockus, who is running for president as the candidate of the Alianza Social Indígena (which has its own lists of congressional candidates), and brings his own list of senate candidates called “Visionarios con Antanas” because most members of the Visionario political movement have joined the Polo Democrático. The candidate list is made up intellectuals and technocrats known for their personal qualities, but with low political profiles and poor name recognition. | Salomón Kalmanovitz | Critics of immediate re-election, as they consider it to harm the separation of powers. Rejects the “Justice and Peace” law because they believe it will lead to large abuses. Supports the free-trade agreement with the United States, but with reservations. Agrees with the de-penalization of abortion in general, and supports non-discrimination against gays. Its internal democratic processes are very fragile. Decisions are made by its director, Antanas Mockus, and even though he is tied to the Alianza Social Indígena, the Senate list has no indigenous presence or popular-sector candidates. It is an eminently technocratic effort. |
Movimiento Compromiso Cívico Cristiano con la Comunidad (C4) (Christian Civic Commitment to the Community (C4) Movement)
| A Christian project of Senator Jimmy Chamorro, a Protestant / Evangelical leader who belongs to a Christian church founded by his father.
| Jimmy Chamorro
| Opposes the immediate re-election of the president. Rejects the free-trade agreement with the United States and has affirmed that it will vote against it. Opposes the “Justice and Peace” law because it will generate impunity. Rejects the de-penalization of abortion and does not recognize the rights of gay couples. Its system of internal democratic procedures is precarious, as decisions are taken unilaterally by its director, and the movement is limited to those who hold its brand of Christian beliefs. |
Posted by isacson at March 10, 2006 6:45 AM
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