Testimony
of Ambassador James F. Mack, deputy assistant secretary of State for International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, October 10, 2001
JAMES MACK
DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
INTERNATIONAL NARCOTICS AND LAW ENFORCEMENT AFFAIRS
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
OCTOBER 10, 2001
HOUSE COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
SUBCOMITTEE ON THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE
Mr. Chairman and
Members of the Committee, thank you for the opportunity to speak to you
today on this important subject.
The attacks against
the United States on September 11 stunned us all. They also made it very
clear that the mission of the Bureau for International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL) -- to provide support to counternarcotics and
other anti-crime efforts worldwide -- is more important now than ever.
While INL does not
have the lead on the war on terrorism, we are strongly supportive of these
efforts through our counternarcotics activities, which provide training,
equipment and institutional support to many of the same host nation law
enforcement agencies that are charged with a counter-terrorist mission.
There often is a
nexus between terrorism and organized crime. Many of the skills and types
of equipment needed to attack organized crime are applicable to combating
terrorism. Much of INL assistance -- such as the equipping of forensic
labs; assistance with drafting asset forfeiture and money laundering legislation;
and provision of basic training in investigation techniques, maritime
enforcement and port security -- applies to both counternarcotics and
counterterrorism. Migrant smuggling, document fraud, arms trafficking,
auto theft, contraband, and illegal financial transactions are tools for
terrorists as well as narcotics traffickers.
In the wake of the
horrendous September 11 attacks, we need to rededicate ourselves to work
hand-in-hand with our coalition partners to stem narcotics smuggling and
to strengthen law enforcement and border controls. Very frequently, the
same criminal gangs involved in narcotics smuggling have links to other
criminal activities and to terrorist groups. Just as we in the U.S. are
trying to strengthen our homeland security, other nations are facing similar
challenges. Deepening our law enforcement cooperation with these like-minded
nations becomes all the more urgent.
The methods used
for moving and laundering money for general crime purposes are similar
to those used to move money to support terrorist activities. INL has worked
with the Departments of Justice and Treasury and with nations around the
world to strengthen controls which could thwart the drug traffickers'
attempts to launder their funds and to investigate and prosecute those
who are involved in moving criminal proceeds. These same law enforcement
controls could also help prevent the movement of funds of terrorist organizations.
Similarly, INL drafted
the first "Trafficking in Persons" report earlier this year.
It is important to note that migrant smugglers bring in not only economic
refugees, but also persons linked to terrorist organizations and international
crime syndicates. We must therefore strengthen our efforts to halt all
alien smuggling.
While we do not possess
conclusive evidence directly linking drug traffickers and terrorists in
Afghanistan, the Talibans link to the drug trade is irrefutable.
The Taliban have de facto control over 90 percent of the country, including
the major areas of the Afghan opium crop. There is a symbiosis between
the Taliban and narcotics traffickers, whose smuggling and money laundering
networks would be of great help in the Talibans efforts to circumvent
UN sanctions. Additionally, the Taliban is known to provide aid, training,
and sanctuary to various Islamic terrorist and separatist groups in Afghanistan,
including Osama bin Ladens al Qaida group. Al Qaida
fighters have gained an increasingly prominent role in the Talibans
war against the Northern Alliance, reportedly because war-weary indigenous
Afghans are reluctant to fight.
Despite effectively
banning poppy cultivation in July 2000, the Taliban has allowed uninterrupted
trafficking of Afghan opiates over the past year by not taking any measur
es to halt the drug trade.
Narcotics interdictions
by Afghanistans neighbors show record seizures of Afghan opiates
flowing out and precursor chemicals flowing in. This clearly indicates
that Afghan heroin traffickers are drawing from their stockpiles, presumably
with the knowledge and perhaps the collusion of some in the Taliban, according
to a report by the UN Committee of Experts on Resolution 1333 for sanctions
against the Taliban. This report states that "funds raised from the
production and trade of opium and heroin are used by the Taliban to buy
arms and war materials and to finance the training of terrorists and support
the operation of extremists in neighboring countries and beyond."
Before last years
ban on opium poppy cultivation, the Taliban collected from 10-20 percent
taxes on the yield of poppy fields, as well as taxing the processing,
shipment and sale of opiates. United Nations estimates for 1999 say that
the value of the Afghan opium crop at the farm gate was $265 million,
which represents at least $40 million in tax revenue for the Taliban.
However, its revenue may be far greater, according to the UN.
In the Western Hemisphere,
there is a historic link between various terrorist groups and narcotics
trafficking. The Shining Path cut a brutal swath through Peru from the
1980's to the mid-1990's, largely funded by taxes on cocaine trafficking.
In Ciudad del Este, Paraguay, and along the loosely controlled region
that it borders with Brazil and Argentina, members of radical Islamic
groups are reported to be engaged in money laundering, intellectual property
rights piracy, alien smuggling, and arms trafficking.
One such individual
is Said Hassan Ali Mohamed Mukhlis, a suspected member of the Egyptian
Islamic Group with possible ties to Osama bin Laden. This group is linked
to the murder of 58 tourists in Luxor, Egypt, and Mukhlis himself was
arrested in 1999 by the Uruguayans in connection with foiled plots to
bomb U.S. embassies in Paraguay and Uruguay.
Three of the 13 Arab
individuals, recently arrested in Paraguay for issuance of false Paraguayan
identification documents, were identified by the FBI as having close ties
to Hamas and the Lebanese Al-Kaffir group. Reportedly, they collected
funds for these terrorist groups to support terrorist plots against the
United States. In July of this year, a vehicle containing improvised explosive
devices was discovered near our Embassy in Paraguay. Police said that
a getaway vehicle used in this foiled plot was purchased by an individual
with suspected ties to the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front, a known Chilean
terrorist group.
In August of this
year, Bolivian authorities expelled six Pakistani citizens suspected of
links to the terrorist attacks on September 11 in New York and Washington.
They were arrested by the FBI upon their arrival in Miami. It is well
documented that designated foreign terrorist groups in Colombia, such
as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), National Liberation
Army (ELN) and United
Self-Defense Forces
of Colombia (AUC), all benefit substantially from their deep involvement
in drug trafficking. For example, there are strong indications that the
FARC, a group which openly engages in illicit narcotics production and
trafficking, has established links with the Irish Republican Army to increase
its capability to conduct urban terrorism. In July, the Colombian National
Police arrested three members of the IRA who are believed to have used
the demilitarized zone to train the FARC in the use of explosives. We
are watching this ongoing investigation with great concern.
These are but a few
examples of how terrorists use narcotrafficking and international crime
to support their activities. INL can assist the Department's efforts to
combat terrorism by helping foreign governments to strike at the very
means that terrorists use to finance their activities.
The Andean Regional
Initiative, overseen by INL, was developed to support the efforts of nations
plagued with drug production and/or transshipment to secure their borders
and prevent the use of illegal activity to finance terrorism, or any other
criminal activity that disrupts the political and economic foundations
of democracy.
The Andean region
represents a significant challenge and opportunity for U.S. foreign policy
in the next few years. Important U.S. national interests are at stake
because drug trafficking is a problem that does not respect national borders
and that both feeds and feeds upon the other social and economic difficulties
with which the Andean region is struggling.
Democracy is under
pressure in all of the countries of the Andes. Economic development is
slow and progress towards liberalization is inconsistent. The Andes produce
virtually all of the world's cocaine, and an increasing amount of heroin,
thus representing a direct threat to our public health and national security.
All of these problems are inter-related. Sluggish economies produce political
unrest that threatens democracy and provides ready manpower for narcotics
traffickers and illegal armed groups. Weak democratic institutions, corruption
and political instability discourage investment, contribute to slow economic
growth and provide fertile ground for drug traffickers and other outlaw
groups to flourish. The drug trade has a corrupting influence that undermines
democratic institutions, fuels illegal armed groups and distorts the economy,
discouraging legitimate investment. None of the region's problems can
be addressed in isolation.
Since we believe
Plan Colombia will result in major disruption of the cocaine industry,
a regional approach becomes even more of an imperative. Traffickers will
undoubtedly try to relocate as their operations in southern Colombia are
disrupted. We believe they will first try to migrate to other areas inside
Colombia, then try to return to traditional growing areas in Peru and
Bolivia. But if those options are forestalled, they may well seek to move
more cultivation, processing and/or trafficking routes into other countries
such as Ecuador, Brazil, or Venezuela.
Establishing security
along the borders of these countries will be a critical element in the
success of this regional plan. In that vein, Ecuador has established a
Northern Border Initiative to promote better security and development
in the region bordering Colombia; Brazil has launched Operation Cobra,
a law enforcement effort concentrated in the Dog's Head region bordering
Colombia; Panama has taken concrete steps to improve security and development
in the Darien region; and Venezuelan authorities have cooperated admirably
on drug interdiction, exemplified by last year's record multi-ton seizure
during Operation Orinoco.
When looking at U.S.
programs in the Andean region, it is important to keep in mind the situation
in Colombia just a few years ago. The large drug lords and organizations
had embarked on an extensive campaign of violence to bring the government
to its knees, and almost succeeded. Their symbiotic relationship with
illegal armed groups continues to keep the government weak. And one can
imagine the threat to U.S. national security that would have been posed
by a narco-trafficking state used as a springboard for international terrorist
groups. That is why the Andean Regional Initiative continues to be critical.
Mr. Chairman, members
of the committee, I want to thank you again for giving me the chance to
speak with you today and for your continued support for INL's important
role in the war against terrorism.
As of October 12,
2001, this document was also available online at http://www.house.gov/international_relations/mack1010.htm