Testimony
of Marc Grossman, Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Department of
State, Senate Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, April 24, 2002
Testimony
of Ambassador Marc Grossman, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs
before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee for Western
Hemisphere Affairs, Peace Corps, and Narcotics Affairs
April 24, 2002
U.S. POLICY TOWARDS
COLOMBIA
Thank you for inviting
me to testify before you today on our policy in Colombia.
I greatly appreciate
the opportunity to exchange views on how we can best help Colombia address
the tremendous challenges it faces, as well as to review with you how
we are doing in trying to advance American interests in Colombia. I will
also detail the new authorities the Administration is seeking in order
to better meet these challenges and enable Colombians to defend their
democracy and achieve a secure and prosperous future.
Colombia matters
to the United States.
Congress has been
a key partner in our efforts to help Colombia defend its democracy from
the demons of narco-trafficking, underdevelopment, human rights abuses,
and terrorism.
Many of you have
traveled to Colombia. I thank you for your engagement. For those who are
considering travel to Colombia, I urge you to go. Your visits make clear
everything America stands for -- democracy, security and prosperity --
both in the U.S. and in Colombia.
I cannot pass up
this opportunity, Mr. Chairman, to urge you to pass the Andean Trade Preferences
Act as soon as possible.
-- Renewing ATPA
is a national security issue.
-- ATPA has been
an effective weapon in our fight against drugs by fostering economic alternatives
to illegal narcotics production.
-- ATPA will promote
economic development, which in turn will help defeat the scourge of drug
trafficking while building stronger democratic institutions.
-- ATPA is a reflection
of a long-term U.S. commitment to working with the Andean region to address
issues of fundamental interest to all of us.
On March 21, the
Administration asked the Congress for new authorities. The terrorist and
narcotics problems in Colombia are intertwined. President Bush recognized
this link when he stated on April 18, after his meeting with President
Pastrana, "We've put FARC, AUC on our terrorist list. We've called
them for what they are. These are killers, who use killing and intimidation
to foster political means... By fighting narco-trafficking, we're fighting
the funding sources for these political terrorists. And sometimes they're
interchangeable. It is essential for Colombia to succeed in this war against
terror in order for her people to realize the vast potential of a great,
democratic country ... I am confident that with the right leadership and
the right help from America, ... Colombia can succeed. And it is in everybody's
interests that she does succeed." The president added that he discussed
with President Pastrana "how to change the focus of our strategy
from counternarcotics to include counterterrorism."
Here is what the
new authorities we seek would allow us to do:
-- address the problem
of terrorism in Colombia as vigorously as we currently address narcotics;
and
-- help the government
of Colombia address the heightened terrorist risk that has resulted from
the end of the demilitarized zone.
Here is what we will
not do:
-- We will not stop
our human rights vetting of all Colombian military units receiving U.S.
assistance. We are committed to abiding by the Leahy amendment.
-- We will not exceed
the 400-person cap on U.S. military personnel providing training in Colombia,
nor the 400-person cap on U.S. civilian contractors. We are committed
to abiding by the Byrd amendment.
-- We will not do
away with the requirement in the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act
that the Secretary of State certify on Colombian Armed Forces' human rights
record before we can provide assistance to the Armed Forces.
-- We will not bypass
regular reprogramming requirements.
We are not interested
in stretching the existing counter-drug authorities, and because we are
committed to abiding by the restrictions and laws you enact, we come to
you today to seek new authorities to respond to the needs for a new mission
-- to combat terrorism.
The authorities we
seek would enable Colombia to use U.S.-provided helicopters and the counter-drug
brigade from Plan Colombia to fight terrorism some of the time, as needed.
Let me be also clear that use of those helicopters and all other equipment
and units would continue to be subject to existing Leahy restrictions.
I look forward to
discussing this proposal with you.
HEMISPHERIC VISION:
DEMOCRACY, PROSPERITY AND SECURITY
We can be proud of
the hemispheric consensus in favor of democracy, rule of law and human
rights, open markets and social progress. As President Bush stated at
the April 2001 Quebec Summit of the Americas, "We have a great vision
before us, a fully democratic hemisphere bound together by goodwill and
free trade. That's a tall order. It is a chance of a lifetime. It is a
responsibility we all share. ... The interests of my nation, of all our
nations, are served by strong, healthy democratic neighbors, and are served
best by lasting friendships in our own neighborhood."
At Quebec, 34 democratically
elected heads of state and government agreed on:
-- a democracy clause
which makes democratic government a requirement for participation in the
summit process;
-- an approved action
plan to promote economic prosperity, protect human rights, and fight drug
trafficking and organized crime; and
-- a 2005 deadline
for the Free Trade Area of the Americas.
Democracy, security,
prosperity: What good will these principles be if they are trampled in
Colombia?
COLOMBIA: ASSAULT
ON DEMOCRACY
Colombia's 40 million
inhabitants and its democracy are under assault by three narco-terrorist
groups -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National
Liberation Army (ELN), and the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia
(AUC).
The three groups
-- with a combined force of over 25,000 combatants -- regularly engage
in massacres, kidnappings, and attacks on key infrastructure. The FARC
and AUC are involved in every facet of narcotics trafficking, including
cultivation, processing, and transportation. The income they derive from
narcotics, estimated at over $300 million a year, has been key to their
expansion -- both in numbers and armament -- over the last ten years.
These groups attack
your counterparts. AUC killed two Colombian legislators over the last
twelve months. The FARC kidnapped six Colombian legislators, including
presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt. The three terrorist groups assassinated
12 mayors in 2001. FARC efforts to disrupt the March 10 legislative elections
failed, but the terrorist group will undoubtedly try to interfere with
the May 26 presidential elections as well.
COLOMBIA: ASSAULT
ON PROSPERITY
ELN and FARC bombings
of the key Caño Limón oil pipeline cost the government of
Colombia almost $500 million in lost revenue last year -- equal to almost
one-third of Bogota's spending on health [care] for its citizens. FARC
strikes against the country's power grid in February left 45 towns, including
two departmental capitals, without electricity for days. The FARC also
attempted twice to blow up a dam near Bogota, actions which -- if successful
-- could have killed thousands of civilians. Fortunately, Colombian security
forces thwarted both attempts.
COLOMBIA: ASSAULT
ON SECURITY
Terrorist attacks
on Colombia's security have resulted in over 3,000 Colombians killed in
2001. Another 2,856 were kidnapped, with the ELN, FARC and AUC responsible
for almost 2,000 victims.
In the former demilitarized
zone, the Colombian military recently found two large FARC-run cocaine
laboratories and 7.4 metric tons of cocaine.
AUC Commander Carlos
Castaño has publicly admitted that the AUC obtains 70 percent of
its income from narcotics. FARC and AUC activities in southern Colombia
have been a major obstacle to our aerial eradication and alternative development
programs, especially in Putumayo and Caqueta.
The FARC, ELN, and
AUC also threaten regional stability. The FARC regularly uses border regions
in Panamá, Ecuador, Brazil and Venezuela for arms and narcotics
trafficking, resupply operations, and rest and recreation. The insecurity
created by the FARC, AUC, and ELN creates a haven for criminal activity
that affects Colombia's neighbors.
Since 1992, the FARC
and ELN have kidnapped 51 U.S. citizens and murdered ten. Colombia supplies
90 percent of the cocaine consumed in the U.S. It is also a significant
source of heroin.
COLOMBIAN RESPONSE
TO GROWTH IN TERRORIST VIOLENCE
In 1999, President
Pastrana responded to the crisis undermining Colombia's democracy, prosperity
and security with the launch of the six-year, $7.5 billion Plan Colombia.
Plan Colombia calls for substantial Colombian social investment, judicial,
political and economic reforms, modernization of the Colombian Armed Forces,
and renewed efforts to combat narco-trafficking.
The government of
Colombia is well on its way to funding its commitment under Plan Colombia,
having spent $2.6 billion for Plan Colombia-related infrastructure projects,
including a hospital in Puerto Guzman, a school in Orito and a farm-to-market
road in Mocoa, as well as projects regarding human rights, humanitarian
assistance, local governance, and the environment. Colombia has also spent
$426 million on social services and institutional development, including
family subsidies and programs for job creation and youth training.
The government of
Colombia's contribution to Plan Colombia is being used for counterdrug
efforts and social and economic development projects. These projects include
social and infrastructure programs in Putumayo Department, in southern
Colombia, the site of the heaviest concentration of coca growth. Colombia
has also continued to modernize its armed forces, stabilized its economy
in accord with IMF guidelines, and undertaken an aerial eradication program
resulting in the destruction of unprecedented amounts of coca.
U.S. SUPPORT FOR
PLAN COLOMBIA
U.S. support has
been a key component of Plan Colombia. With your support, since July 2000,
the U.S. has provided Colombia with $1.7 billion to combat narcotics trafficking
and terrorism, strengthen democratic institutions and human rights, foster
socio-economic development, and mitigate the impact of the violence on
Colombian civilians. Our assistance to Colombia using Plan Colombia funds
is limited to support of counternarcotics activities.
Have we had any success?
Let me give you eleven examples of what we have already in the works:
-- First, we have
delivered to the Colombian National Police eight of the 11 helicopters
to be provided under Plan Colombia. The Colombian military has received
35 of the 54 helicopters that it is programmed to receive under the plan.
-- Second, the government
of Colombia extradited 23 Colombian nationals to the U.S. in 2001, an
unprecedented level of cooperation.
-- Third, we trained,
equipped, and deployed the Colombian Army's counternarcotics brigade,
which destroyed 818 base laboratories and 21 HCL (hydrochloride) laboratories,
and provided security for our aerial eradication operations in Southern
Colombia. Operating as part of a Colombian Joint Task Force (JTF-South),
we judge it the best brigade-sized unit in the Colombian military.
-- Fourth, with Colombians
we sprayed a record potential 84,000 hectares of coca cultivation last
year, up from 58,000 in 2000, and have set a goal of 150,000 hectares
in 2002.
-- Fifth, through
Colombia's Ministry of Interior, we have funded, since May 2001, a program
that has provided protection to 1,676 Colombians whose lives were threatened,
including human rights workers, labor activists, and journalists.
-- Sixth, the U.S.
government-funded Early Warning System alerts Colombian authorities to
threats of potential massacres or other human rights abuses, enabling
them act to avert such incidents. To date, the EWS has issued 106 alerts.
-- Seventh, the U.S.,
working with non-governmental organizations and international agencies,
has provided assistance to 330,000 Colombians displaced by violence since
mid-2001.
-- Eighth, our program
to demobilize child soldiers has helped 272 children to re-integrate into
society.
-- Ninth, we have
implemented programs to help the government of Colombia reform its administration
of justice and strengthen local government. We have opened 18 Casas de
Justicia, which provide cost-effective legal services to Colombians who
have not previously enjoyed access to the country's judicial system.
-- Tenth, our program
to help municipalities improve their financial management, fight corruption,
and boost community participation has completed six Social Investment
Fund projects in southern Colombia.
-- Eleventh, we are
also helping the Prosecutor General's Office set up human rights units
throughout the country to facilitate the investigation and prosecution
of human rights abuses.
ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT
We remain committed
to alternative development as a key component of our overall effort in
Colombia.
Promoting alternative
development in Colombia is not easy. The security situation is a major
obstacle and there is no alternative agricultural production that can
match the income of coca production. The limited institutional capacity
of the Colombian government agency charged with implementing the programs
has also been a problem.
I have great respect
for the people in our Mission in Bogota, and USAID here in Washington,
who recognized that we were not achieving the results we hoped for in
alternative development and are making adjustments to our program.
USAID wants communities
to participate in drug control efforts and is designing programs that
are less risky to implement under current security conditions. These adjustment
include:
-- Working more closely
with individual communities to tailor the program to help these communities
with the needs they identify. For example, many villages are willing to
abstain from coca production in return for access to potable water or
a road to link them to a neighboring market.
-- Funding activities
which improve the economic potential of isolated regions such as Putumayo
and boost temporary employment and income of rural residents, encouraging
them to make the transition from coca to legal crop production or employment
opportunities.
-- Extending the
alternative development program to areas beyond southern Colombia, where
conditions may be more favorable for alternative income generation.
As we move forward,
we need keep in mind that, as the recent General Accounting Office February
report on alternative development in Colombia noted:
"Without interdiction
and eradication as disincentives, growers are unlikely to abandon more
lucrative and easily cultivated coca crops in favor of less profitable
and harder-to-grow licit crops or to pursue legal employment."
Therefore, it is
critical that we continue an aggressive spraying and eradication campaign
if we are to persuade communities to participate in alternative development
programs.
HUMAN RIGHTS
Human rights concerns
are a central element in our Colombia policy. In meetings with senior
Colombian civilian and military officials, U.S. officials regularly stress
the need for Colombia to improve its human rights performance. During
my visit to Bogota last February, I emphasized to President Pastrana that
the Colombian military must take additional actions to sever any links
between military personnel and paramilitary forces. I also met with the
leading presidential candidates and made clear our expectation that they
too be fully committed to improving human rights. Chief of Staff of the
Army General Eric Shinseki and Acting Commander for the Southern Command
Major General Gary Speer have also traveled to Colombia and delivered
strong human rights messages to their counterparts in the Colombian Armed
Forces.
Our human rights
message is making a difference. President Pastrana and Armed Forces Commander
Tapias have repeatedly denounced collusion between elements of the Colombian
military and the paramilitaries.
The Colombian military
captured 590 paramilitaries and killed 92 in combat last year.
Eight military personnel,
including two colonels and a lieutenant colonel, were charged in civilian
courts with collaborating with paramilitaries or with committing gross
human rights violations in 2001. A senior Colombian naval official's career
has effectively ended because of allegations that he collaborated with
paramilitaries.
Still, too many Colombians
continue to suffer abuses by state security forces or by terrorist groups
acting in collusion with state security units. Those responsible for such
actions must be punished. The establishment of the rule of law and personal
security for all Colombians cannot happen if human rights abuses and impunity
for the perpetrators of such crimes continue to occur.
The best way to ensure
that Colombia continues to make progress on human rights is through continued
U.S. engagement. In fact, when I visited Colombia in February, representatives
from civil society and human rights groups said that what Colombia needed
most was a professional, accountable and strong military that can provide
security against the terrorist actions of the FARC, ELN and AUC throughout
the country. They said strong United States involvement was needed to
make this happen.
Colombia needs more
U.S.-provided training and human rights vetting, not less. We would do
this under the new authorities and programs we are proposing.
NEW SITUATION REQUIRES
NEW AUTHORITIES ADJUSTMENTS
On February 20, President
Pastrana ended the demilitarized zone and the government of Colombia's
peace talks with the FARC.
Since February 20,
the Colombian military has reoccupied the main urban areas in the former
zone, while the FARC has continued its terrorist violence.
President Pastrana
has announced plans to increase Colombia's defense budget, currently at
3.2 percent of GDP, to cover the cost of heightened military operations,
and to add 10,000 soldiers to the army. He also requested additional aid
from the U.S. to help cope with the increased terrorist threat.
We answered Pastrana's
request for immediate help by providing increased information-sharing
on terrorist actions, expediting the delivery of helicopter spare parts
already paid for by the government of Colombia, and assisting the Colombians
with eradication activities in the former zone.
In the counterterrorism
supplemental submitted on March 21, we are seeking new legal authorities
that would allow our assistance to Colombia -- including assistance previously
provided -- to be used "to support a unified campaign against narcotics
trafficking, terrorist activities, and other threats to its national security."
These new authorities
recognize that the terrorist and narcotics problems -- together -- threaten
Colombia's security, prosperity and democracy.
Expanding the authorities
for the use of aircraft and other assets to cover terrorist and other
threats to Colombia's democracy does not ensure that Colombia will be
able to address these multiple threats in the short term. However, if
approved, they will give us the flexibility we need to help the government
of Colombia attack this threat more efficiently and more effectively,
in the shortest possible time, with resources already in Colombia.
Our request for new
authorities is not a retreat from our concern about human rights nor does
it signal an open-ended U.S. commitment in Colombia. Our proposal expressly
states that we will continue to do human rights vetting of all Colombian
military units receiving U.S. training or equipment and will maintain
the 800-person cap on U.S. military personnel and contractors providing
training and other services in Colombia.
In addition to new
legal authorities, we are also seeking $35 million in the counterterrorism
supplemental to help the Colombian government protect its citizens from
kidnapping, infrastructure attacks and other terrorist actions. Our $35
million request is broken down as follows:
-- $25 million in
Non-proliferation, Anti-terrorism, Demining and Related Programs (NADR)
funding for anti-kidnapping training and equipment for the Colombian police
and military;
-- $6 million in
Foreign Military Funds (FMF) funding to begin training for Colombian military
units protecting the key Caño Limón oil pipeline; and
-- $4 million in
International Narcotics Control Law Enforcement (INCLE) funding to help
organize, train, equip and deploy Colombian National Police units that
will provide security for the construction of reinforced police stations
to enable the police to re-establish a presence throughout Colombia.
PEACE PROCESS
The U.S. government
remains supportive of the peace process. We are encouraged by the current
talks between the ELN and the government of Colombia, and hope that they
will soon produce a viable, lasting peace accord.
COLOMBIAN COMMITMENT
The U.S. is committed
to helping Colombia in its fight against terrorism's assault on its democracy,
prosperity and security, but Colombians must take the lead in this struggle.
Colombia needs to develop a national political-military strategy, boost
the resources devoted to security, implement economic reforms, improve
human rights protection, and sustain vigorous and effective counternarcotics
programs.
CONCLUSION
Mr. Chairman, members
of the Committee, your support will be crucial in the days ahead as you
discuss our proposal for new and supplemental funding requests for our
assistance to Colombia, as well as our FY-03 budget request. I look forward
to maintaining a dialogue with you as we work together to help provide
Colombia's democracy the tools it needs to build a secure, prosperous
and democratic life for its citizens. The people of Colombia must not
be denied the opportunity to enjoy the benefits of a hemisphere united
by open markets, democratic governments, respect for human rights, and
the rule of law.
Thank you.
As of July 10, 2002,
this document was also available online at http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/ar/colombia/02042403.htm