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Last Updated:3/22/00
Statement of Rep. John L. Mica (R-Florida), February 15, 2000
CHAIRMAN JOHN L. MICA

Opening Statement, The US Response to the Crisis in Colombia

February 15, 2000

Today this House Subcommittee will examine the U.S. response to the growing crisis in Colombia. We will review this Administration's track record of delivering resources including previously authorized counterdrug aid and equipment down to Colombia as well as examine the current Colombia Aid proposal. This hearing will serve as the first public airing of the issues since the Administration submitted its Billion dollar plus emergency supplemental aid package.

Our hemisphere and the United States are facing one the greatest challenges to its national security as the situation in Colombia continues to deteriorate. Left unchecked, the nacro-terrorist threat in Colombia will continue to spiral out of control, threaten Latin America's oldest democracy and lead to regional instability. As the illegal drug trade continues to grow, it fuels narco-terrorism; undermines legitimate government institutions and leads to increasing violence in the region. The impact of this destabilized region will have a devastating impact on United States national security interests.

After years of pleading and pressure by House members, I appreciate that this Administration has finally submitted to Congress a Colombian aid proposal last week. It arrives seven months after General McCaffrey sounded the alarm calling the situation in Colombia an "emergency" and four months after the Pastrana government submitted PLAN COLOMBIA asking for U.S. assistance.

Because the U.S. response has been slow to assist Colombia in combatting narco-terrorism, that country now supplies 80% of the world's cocaine. This explosion in coca cultivation from Peru and Bolivia to Colombia has occurred in just the past 4-5 years. The explosion in poppy cultivation in Colombia is equally disturbing and even more recent. Through the DEA's Heroin Signature Program, we now know that Colombia (not the Far East) accounts for 75% of the heroin seized on U.S. streets. Several years ago Colombia grew only enough poppies to fill a flower arrangement. What used to be a supply of hard drugs being processed and transited through Colombia has turned into a torrent and glut of deadly narcotics pouring across our borders.

Both drugs and the death that accompanies drugs are spilling on to our shores. And, American blood has also been spilled on Colombian soil. Last summer, five American men and women from the U. S. Army were killed in the line of duty in Colombia when their U. S. reconnaissance plane crashed into a mountain on a counter-drug mission into narco-guerilla territory. This marks the first time in U. S. history that American military personnel have been killed in action in Colombia's drug war.

In addition to these five Americans, three U. S. contract pilots have been killed in Colombia over the past two years. Three Americans were abducted and brutally murdered by the FARC, Colombia's largest group of drug trafficking guerrillas, earlier this year. And numerous Americans have been kidnapped by Colombian narco-guerillas. In fact, the longest held U. S. hostages are 3 American missionaries from my District - unaccounted for since 1993.

In short, despite years of Congressional pleas for counterdrug assistance to Colombia, countless hearings, and intense congressional efforts, resources approved by Congress have failed to be provided to Colombia. Someone must be accountable for the disaster at our doorstep.

Time and time again, the Clinton Administration has ignored the emerging situation in Colombia despite Congressional oversight hearings that have tried repeatedly to call attention to the impending crisis. In short, despite years of Congressional pleas for assistance to Colombia, countless hearings, and intense congressional efforts, resources approved by Congress have failed to be provided to Colombia. To borrow a phrase, the record is a "flipping disaster."

First, information sharing was denied in 1994, turning the situation into "chaos" as my colleague from California Steve Horn so aptly described: ("As you recall, as of May 1, 1994, the Department of Defense decided unilaterally to stop sharing real-time intelligence regarding aerial traffic in drugs with Colombia and Peru. Now as I understand it, that decision, which hasn't been completely resolved, has thrown diplomatic relations with the host countries into chaos." - Congressman Steve Horn, August 2, 1994)

In 1996 and 1997, when this Administration decertified Colombia without a National Interest waiver, it severely undermined the legitimate drug fighting efforts of General Serrano and the Colombian National Police, cutting off International Military Educational Training (IMET)and critical equipment.

Even worse, today, with the absence of U.S. intelligence sharing, due in part to the reduced air coverage after the forced closure of Howard Air Force Base in Panama our counterdrug efforts in the regions has been further crippled.

While very publicly calling for $1.6 billion in emergency aid in last month at the White House, this Administration requested only $85 million in State Department INL funding for Colombia in the fiscal year 2000. The Congress passed a supplemental aid package to increase the funding for counter-narcotics work in Colombia. Sadly, less than half of the equipment Congress funded in that bill has been delivered or is operational. In fact, even 3 helicopters, which account for the bulk of aid dollars, when finally delivered sat idle for lack of proper armoring and ammunition.

This Administration has resisted congressional efforts to ensure that needed drug-fighting equipment makes it to Colombia in a timely manner. The Administration has fought the Congress for years on Blackhawk utility helicopters for the Colombian National Police and has a pathetic track record of delivering this type of assistance.

Yet, nearly half of the $954 million supplemental aid proposal for Colombia is for 30 Blackhawk helicopters for the Colombian military. Given the high cost of these assets and the poor delivery track record of the State Department (INL), I am concerned about committing this amount of money to a program that has not worked well in the past. As Chairman of this Subcommittee, I want to ensure that the final aid package contains funds for programs that have proven track record of success.

There are reports of increased activity by the 17,000 Marxist narco-terrorist guerillas also known as the FARC. This army of insurgents controls nearly 40% of Colombian countryside. The FARC and ELN are heavily financed by the drug traffickers with an estimated $600 million coming directly or indirectly from the illicit drug trade. The FARC army has gone largely unchecked and is now expanding beyond Colombia's borders. I am deeply concerned about reports of FARC incursions into neighboring countries.

The basic tenet of the Administration's aid package is to use the Colombian military and the police to push into Southern Colombia.

I am also concerned that we do not allow the drug traffickers to simply shift production operations to neighboring countries (especially those with non-secure borders like Ecuador and Panama).

With the price of coca leaf rising above the profitably level in Peru and Bolivia, I am concerned that the drug traffickers are not allowed to reactivate coca fields in those countries. We cannot afford to roll-back years of successful eradication efforts in Peru and Bolivia.

One of the points that will be made in today's hearing is that Colombia matters: economically and strategically. The United States can ill afford further instability in the region. With 20% of the U. S. daily supply of crude and refined oil imports coming from that area and with the vitally important Panama Canal located just 150 miles to the north, -- the national security and economic implications of Colombian rebel activity spilling over into neighboring countries are enormous. For all of these reasons, I believe the final aid package must have balanced, regional approach.

This Subcommittee will continue to play a key role in ensuring that United States counterdrug aid to Colombia is sufficient, appropriate and delivery in a timely manner.

I am committed to continued Congressional oversight of this issue, because I believe that the influx of illegal drugs to the United States is our greatest social challenge and most insidious national security threat. I know that many of my colleagues share this concern.

As we face this serious and growing challenge in Colombia, our vital national interests are undeniably at stake. The situation in Colombia requires immediate attention, but the nature and extent of United States aid needs to be carefully considered, especially in light of this Administration's past track record. This hearing will shed light on the situation in Colombia, as we help to frame the national debate on how best to address the growing crisis.

As of March 22, 2000, this document is also available online at http://www.house.gov/reform/cj/hearings/00.02.15/opening.htm

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