Statement
of Rep. John L. Mica (R-Florida), February 15, 2000
CHAIRMAN
JOHN L. MICA
Opening Statement, The US
Response to the Crisis in Colombia
February 15, 2000
Today this House Subcommittee
will examine the U.S. response to the growing crisis in Colombia. We will
review this Administration's track record of delivering resources including
previously authorized counterdrug aid and equipment down to Colombia as
well as examine the current Colombia Aid proposal. This hearing will serve
as the first public airing of the issues since the Administration submitted
its Billion dollar plus emergency supplemental aid package.
Our hemisphere and the United
States are facing one the greatest challenges to its national security
as the situation in Colombia continues to deteriorate. Left unchecked,
the nacro-terrorist threat in Colombia will continue to spiral out of
control, threaten Latin America's oldest democracy and lead to regional
instability. As the illegal drug trade continues to grow, it fuels narco-terrorism;
undermines legitimate government institutions and leads to increasing
violence in the region. The impact of this destabilized region will have
a devastating impact on United States national security interests.
After years of pleading and
pressure by House members, I appreciate that this Administration has finally
submitted to Congress a Colombian aid proposal last week. It arrives seven
months after General McCaffrey sounded the alarm calling the situation
in Colombia an "emergency" and four months after the Pastrana
government submitted PLAN COLOMBIA asking for U.S. assistance.
Because the U.S. response
has been slow to assist Colombia in combatting narco-terrorism, that country
now supplies 80% of the world's cocaine. This explosion in coca cultivation
from Peru and Bolivia to Colombia has occurred in just the past 4-5 years.
The explosion in poppy cultivation in Colombia is equally disturbing and
even more recent. Through the DEA's Heroin Signature Program, we now know
that Colombia (not the Far East) accounts for 75% of the heroin seized
on U.S. streets. Several years ago Colombia grew only enough poppies to
fill a flower arrangement. What used to be a supply of hard drugs being
processed and transited through Colombia has turned into a torrent and
glut of deadly narcotics pouring across our borders.
Both drugs and the death that
accompanies drugs are spilling on to our shores. And, American blood has
also been spilled on Colombian soil. Last summer, five American men and
women from the U. S. Army were killed in the line of duty in Colombia
when their U. S. reconnaissance plane crashed into a mountain on a counter-drug
mission into narco-guerilla territory. This marks the first time in U.
S. history that American military personnel have been killed in action
in Colombia's drug war.
In addition to these five
Americans, three U. S. contract pilots have been killed in Colombia over
the past two years. Three Americans were abducted and brutally murdered
by the FARC, Colombia's largest group of drug trafficking guerrillas,
earlier this year. And numerous Americans have been kidnapped by Colombian
narco-guerillas. In fact, the longest held U. S. hostages are 3 American
missionaries from my District - unaccounted for since 1993.
In short, despite years of
Congressional pleas for counterdrug assistance to Colombia, countless
hearings, and intense congressional efforts, resources approved by Congress
have failed to be provided to Colombia. Someone must be accountable for
the disaster at our doorstep.
Time and time again, the Clinton
Administration has ignored the emerging situation in Colombia despite
Congressional oversight hearings that have tried repeatedly to call attention
to the impending crisis. In short, despite years of Congressional pleas
for assistance to Colombia, countless hearings, and intense congressional
efforts, resources approved by Congress have failed to be provided to
Colombia. To borrow a phrase, the record is a "flipping disaster."
First, information sharing
was denied in 1994, turning the situation into "chaos" as my
colleague from California Steve Horn so aptly described: ("As you
recall, as of May 1, 1994, the Department of Defense decided unilaterally
to stop sharing real-time intelligence regarding aerial traffic in drugs
with Colombia and Peru. Now as I understand it, that decision, which hasn't
been completely resolved, has thrown diplomatic relations with the host
countries into chaos." - Congressman Steve Horn, August 2, 1994)
In 1996 and 1997, when this
Administration decertified Colombia without a National Interest waiver,
it severely undermined the legitimate drug fighting efforts of General
Serrano and the Colombian National Police, cutting off International Military
Educational Training (IMET)and critical equipment.
Even worse, today, with the
absence of U.S. intelligence sharing, due in part to the reduced air coverage
after the forced closure of Howard Air Force Base in Panama our counterdrug
efforts in the regions has been further crippled.
While very publicly calling
for $1.6 billion in emergency aid in last month at the White House, this
Administration requested only $85 million in State Department INL funding
for Colombia in the fiscal year 2000. The Congress passed a supplemental
aid package to increase the funding for counter-narcotics work in Colombia.
Sadly, less than half of the equipment Congress funded in that bill has
been delivered or is operational. In fact, even 3 helicopters, which account
for the bulk of aid dollars, when finally delivered sat idle for lack
of proper armoring and ammunition.
This Administration has resisted
congressional efforts to ensure that needed drug-fighting equipment makes
it to Colombia in a timely manner. The Administration has fought the Congress
for years on Blackhawk utility helicopters for the Colombian National
Police and has a pathetic track record of delivering this type of assistance.
Yet, nearly half of the $954
million supplemental aid proposal for Colombia is for 30 Blackhawk helicopters
for the Colombian military. Given the high cost of these assets and the
poor delivery track record of the State Department (INL), I am concerned
about committing this amount of money to a program that has not worked
well in the past. As Chairman of this Subcommittee, I want to ensure that
the final aid package contains funds for programs that have proven track
record of success.
There are reports of increased
activity by the 17,000 Marxist narco-terrorist guerillas also known as
the FARC. This army of insurgents controls nearly 40% of Colombian countryside.
The FARC and ELN are heavily financed by the drug traffickers with an
estimated $600 million coming directly or indirectly from the illicit
drug trade. The FARC army has gone largely unchecked and is now expanding
beyond Colombia's borders. I am deeply concerned about reports of FARC
incursions into neighboring countries.
The basic tenet of the Administration's
aid package is to use the Colombian military and the police to push into
Southern Colombia.
I am also concerned that we
do not allow the drug traffickers to simply shift production operations
to neighboring countries (especially those with non-secure borders like
Ecuador and Panama).
With the price of coca leaf
rising above the profitably level in Peru and Bolivia, I am concerned
that the drug traffickers are not allowed to reactivate coca fields in
those countries. We cannot afford to roll-back years of successful eradication
efforts in Peru and Bolivia.
One of the points that will
be made in today's hearing is that Colombia matters: economically and
strategically. The United States can ill afford further instability in
the region. With 20% of the U. S. daily supply of crude and refined oil
imports coming from that area and with the vitally important Panama Canal
located just 150 miles to the north, -- the national security and economic
implications of Colombian rebel activity spilling over into neighboring
countries are enormous. For all of these reasons, I believe the final
aid package must have balanced, regional approach.
This Subcommittee will continue
to play a key role in ensuring that United States counterdrug aid to Colombia
is sufficient, appropriate and delivery in a timely manner.
I am committed to continued
Congressional oversight of this issue, because I believe that the influx
of illegal drugs to the United States is our greatest social challenge
and most insidious national security threat. I know that many of my colleagues
share this concern.
As we face this serious and
growing challenge in Colombia, our vital national interests are undeniably
at stake. The situation in Colombia requires immediate attention, but
the nature and extent of United States aid needs to be carefully considered,
especially in light of this Administration's past track record. This hearing
will shed light on the situation in Colombia, as we help to frame the
national debate on how best to address the growing crisis.
As of March 22, 2000, this
document is also available online at http://www.house.gov/reform/cj/hearings/00.02.15/opening.htm