U.S.
Aid to Colombia, text of an online chat with
CIP President Robert E. White, from washingtonpost.com, February 16, 2000
U.S.
Aid to Colombia
With Robert E. White
Wednesday, February 16, 2000,
1 p.m. EST
Robert E. White, president
of the Center for International Policy and former U.S. Ambassador to Paraguay
and El Salvador, was online Wednesday, Feb. 16 at 1 p.m. discussing the
Clinton administration's proposal to send $1.6 billion in aid to Colombia
to combat drug trafficking and the insurgent Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia (FARC), who are supported by drug profits.
Congress will begin discussion
on the Clinton administration's proposal, one of the largest of its kind,
next week. Supporters of the program, including The Washington Post editorial
page, contend the anti-drug rationale is sufficient to support this billion
dollar aid package. Critics like Robert E. White say that such a proposal
"amounts to intervention in another country's civil war." In
a Feb. 8 Washington Post column, White argues that "neither the president
nor the secretary of state has given the American people any coherent
explanation of what is at stake in Colombia or of how massive military
assistance can do anything but make matters worse."
During his 25-year Foreign
Service career, White specialized in Latin American affairs with particular
emphasis on Central America. In his early career he served in Honduras
and Nicaragua. Among other posts he held were Latin American Director
of the Peace Corps, Deputy Permanent Representative to the Organization
of American States, Ambassador to Paraguay and El Salvador. In 1977 and
1978, White served as the President's Special Representative to the Inter-American
Coference on Education, Science and Culture.
After retiring from the Foreign
Service in 1981, White served as a Senior Associate for the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace. White is currently the president of the Center
for International Policy.
Read the transcript below.
QUITO, ECUADOR: With more involvement by the US government, isn't there
a fear of "VIETNAMIZATION" of this problem. Also with more US
government involvement, isn't there a possibility of drawing Columbia's
nieghbours into the conflict.
Robert E. White: In Vietnam
we had no defined objectives, we had no strategy to know when we achieved
victory. It is the same in Colombia.
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Glassboro, NJ: What is the
source of the FARC income and what is its relation to the American people?
Robert E. White: The FARC
receives its income from kidnapping and ransome, and taxing the growing
of coca leaves within the zones they control.
They say they are friends
of teh American people. They claim they are willing to be helpful to ending
coca production. And it is true they have begun a United Nations sponsored
program of crop substitution within the zone that they control.
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New York, NY: How does this
aid package differ from previous military aid packages? It seems that
it is just a continuation of the same failed policies of the past, the
US continues to focus on the supply side aspects of the drug trade while
doing virtually nothing to address our domestic demand? In study after
study it has been reported that drug treatment and prevention programs
are much less costly and much more affective than the militarized approach
that focuses on eradication and interdiction, with that known why isn't
more being done to address the demand?
Robert E. White: You have
made an excellent point. All of the evidence that we have is that drug
interdiction does not work. Yet we are spending billions of dollars on
this failed policy. At the same time in this country addicts are turned
away because there are not enough drug treatment centers.
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Richmond, VA: I have confidence
in your 'take' on the situation in Colombia as expressed in the Washington
Post. In my experience, Latin American attitudes are a mixture, even in
one person, of a sentiment that the U.S. should mind its own business
while at the same time criticizing the U.S. for not helping to solve their
problems. Which attitude seems to you to be prevalent among the Colombians
right now? Have there been any pleas among Colombians living in the U.S.
for military aid?
Robert E. White: You are right
about the ambivalence with which Colombians and other South Americans
regard the US.
Colombia has been at war for
almost a half century. The last thing Colombia needs is an intensification
of that war. We should be working for a cease fire, a support for pastrana's
peace process, and we should put most of our resources into economic and
social projects designed to help the 60% of Colombians who live in absolute
poverty.
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Andres Torres, Bogota, Colombia:
Ambassador White,
Do you believe Congress will
pass the proposed aid? Are the Republican's generally supportive of it?
To what extent does there exist bipartisan support?
Do you believe that and extensive
alternative crop substitution program along with substantial economic
development programs could be more effective than military aid?
Thank you very much,
Andrés Torres
U.S. Fulbright Scholar, Bogotá COLOMBIA
(Edited for space)
Robert E. White: All the indications
are that the congress will pass this bill. There may however be substantial
amendments. There is great concern that military aid will harm the Colombian
people and drag the United States into that civil war. There is a substantial
group in congress that are skeptical about military involvement and would
like to emphasize economic development and alternative programs.
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Arlington, Virginia: Why do
you call this a civil war? There is nothing civil about the 15,000 bandits
that are attacking the 35 million Colombians who do not support them nor
share their criminal ways.
The U.S. has had a tradition of intervening in foreign wars, both actively
and passively -sending equipment and training-, and the world is a better
place because of this -WWII, Irak, etc.- and is thankful for it. Colombia
is not asking for the U.S. intervention, but only an aid that would level
the playing field against narcoguerrillas that have better equipment than
the army's thanks to the drug money that ironically comes from the U.S.
So, is it O.K. for the U.S. to supply the narcoguerrillas with state-of-the-art
arms but not O.K. to help the army that is doing the work for the U.S.?
Robert E. White: You make
an important point: that is American consumption fuels the guerilla movement.
But it is a civil war because it is confined within the boundaries of
Colombia. Moreover, it is unrealistic to put all of the blame on one group
of guerillas. 80% of the human rights violations are committed by the
paramilitary forces in conjunction with local military commanders.
I strongly support President
Pastrana's peace process.
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New York City, New York: The
Washington Post's editorial claimed that the aid would help the negotiations
and accused those who disagree with that analysis of "falling for
the FARC's bluff."
If you disagree with this view, could you tell us please what's wrong
with it?
Robert E. White: The Post editorial assumes that the Colombian military
will carry the war into guerilla territory in some effective way. I believe
it is far more likely that the FARC will shoot down our helicopters and
turn back the Colombian army. Therefore, instead of putting pressure on
the guerillas, the result of our assistance could well be serious setbacks
to the Colombian military.
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Washington DC: Could you to
comment on the FARC's percieved fear of U.S. aid to COlombia right now?
It seems that they are already truly afraid and more willing to negotiate
for peace now that they see the U.S. is serious about stopping the drug
trade via Colobia. In fact the FARC have even asked the pope for his "blessing"
of the peace process
Robert E. White: Negotiations
between the Colombian government and the FARC are more than two years
old. These negotiations have been slow and laborious but they have produced
a common agenda. And in Europe there has apparently been further progress.
The FARC would undoubtedly like to avoid US intervention in Colombia,
indeed the threat of military support may help the negotiations. But,
this is the error we have made. Had the US actively supported the peace
process and said: "unless we get progress we would be forced to consider
military involvement" that would have been a better strategy.
The moment your military assitance
arrives inside colombia, you've lost that negotiating lever. In other
words, the threat of military assistance is far more effective than actual
military assistance.
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Takoma Park, MD: What are
the comparisons you'd make between US policy toward Colombia today and
US policy toward El Salvador when you were Ambassador in the 1980s? Some
of my questions: Are we contributing to the militarization of the country
at the expense of democracy? Are we supporting the major perpetrators
of human rights? Why are the American people not interested in where $1.6
billion tax dollars are going?
Robert E. White: When you
support, as we did in El Salvador, a ruthless, bloodthirsty and ineffectual
military, you are following a doomed policy. The big difference between
El Salvador and Colombia is that El Salvador is a tiny country-- as big
as Maryland-- while just the territory the FARC controls is the size of
California. If this misconceived military assistance is approved I believe
it will not be long before the American people understand that we are
headed for yet another disaster.
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Santafé de Bogotá,
Colombia: Do you know that paramilitary squads have been created by the
colombian army following instructions of the conterinsurgency manuals
wrote and furnished by the U.S. Army?
Do you think that a "pocket
human rights card" currently used by members of the colombian army
is enough to evoid human rights abuses of an army accustomed to hurt and
kill disarmed colombian citizens?
Robert E. White: It is true
that the Colombian paramilitary forces had an official status as an auxilliary
to the Colombian military until around 1990. It is also true that the
Colombian military still works on a regional, local level with paramilitary
forces. This is one of my chief concerns... to make war upon the FARC
is to put the US on the same side as the drug dealing, terrorist paramilitary
forces.
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New York, NY: We are arming
and training one of the most brutal and corrupt militaries in all of Latin
America, what amendments -Leahy Law implementation, end-use monitoring-
might be tacked on to the aid package and how can we be sure that they
will be enforced in goodfaith? End-use monitoring has failed miserably
in the past.
Robert E. White: I would support
enforcement from the Leahy amendment and end-use monitoring. However,
I am very much afriad that once the war is accelerated that the situation
becomes so confused and violent that it becomes a war of your truth against
my truth, your version of reality against my version of reality. This
is exactly the game the Reagan administration played in El Salvador.
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Evanston, IL: All sides in
the Colombian civil war--the military and its clients the paramilitaries,
and the guerrillas--are involved in drug production and trafficking. Both
the military-paramilitaries and the guerrillas commit human rights violations
-the military-paramilitaries are responsible for the majority-. Both sides
have displayed intransigence in peace negotiations. What is the real reason
the U.S. government is supporting the military-paramilitaries against
the guerrillas?
Robert E. White: Excellent
point. This is a counter-guerilla strategy mascarading as a counter-narcotics
program. Illegal narcotics are Colombia's third largest export. No enterprise
of that magnitude can exist without the colaboration of important figures
in business, banking, transportation and government... military aswell
as civilian
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Washington, DC: Doesn't the
use of the term "narco-terrrorist" by the Administration preclude
the possibility of a negotiated solution? Have we just backed ourselves
into a diplomatic corner?
Robert E. White: Pres. Pastrana
rejects the term narco-terrorist. An elected president can negotiate a
peace with insurgents who have a politcal agenda. He cannot negotiate
honorably with socalled narco-terrorists. The use of this term by high
US officials directly undermines Pres. Pastrana's peace initiatives.
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Albuquerque, New Mexico: Drug
interdiction is being cited as one of the primary rationales behind the
aid that is being proposed for the Colombian government.
Is there is any reliable evidence
that conclusively establishes that the Colombian government isn't itself
involved or benefitting from drug trafficking?
Robert E. White: Yes. In 1998, the chief of the Air Transport Command
(Colombia's air force) landed his plane in Miami. The DEA inspected the
plane and found a half ton of cocaine on the plane.
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GUADALAJARA, JALISCO, MEXICO:
Drug interdiction has been cited as a primary rationale for the proposed
aid. Is there any reason to believe that the Colombian government itself
isn't also somehow benefitting from the narcotics trade? And, if that
is that case what measures have been proposed to deal with that issue?
Robert E. White: The United
States has turned a blind eye to the complexities of our relations with
Colombia. They have reduced this complicated country and its multifaceted
challenges to a single issue: the revolutionaries who are involved in
a drug protection racket.
The United states should respond
to Colombia's challenge with diplomatic support, social and economic help...
we should not intervene on one side of another country's civil war.
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Washington, DC: Your February
8th article opposes the military aid provided in the President's aid package,
yet you seem to suggest that supporting development projects and a crop
substitution program would be a better policy. How can such a policy have
a chance of succeeding when such aid projects historically only work when
the rule of law is strong and there exists readily available market access,
a situation that does exist in Colombia?
Robert E. White: The precise
point that I tried to make in the Post article was that Colombia need
farm to market roads in order that the Colombian campasinos can get there
product to market. 90% of colombians live in cities. But there are no
roads connectign guerilla territory to the urban areas.
These highways would also
peacefully carry increased government authority into these neglected zones.
In my visits to the FARC dominated area, the government had built no schools,
no hosptials, no municipal or state buildings of any kind. It's no wonder
you have revolution.
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Cabin John MD: In a recent
press conference, Secretary Albright stated, "strangly enough, our
successful -drug policy] in Peru and Bolivia has lead to the current situation
in Columbia." Do you believe that this current package before Congress
will stop Columbia's cocaine factory? And if so, do you believe that a
cocaine factory will "strangly" appear elsewhere?
Robert E. White: What we are
up against in Latin America, particularly the Andes, is not a particular
country or group. We are against and international market cartel. It's
a major, multifaceted, global industry.
When they feel pressure in
one country, they simply spread out their prodcution schedules and begin
cultivation in other countries. If there sould be some pressure in Colombia,
they will move to Ecuador. If there is pressure in ecuador, they'll move
to NW Brazil... the more pressure you put on drug traffickers, the higher
the price, and the more incentives there are for new traffickers and new
routes to be established.
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Herndon, VA: Mr. Ambassador:
Having served as a very junior foreign service officer in Bogota in the
late 70's, and seeing attempt after attempt to stem the drug problem collapse,
I believe this latest U.S. initiative is doomed to failure. Do you believe
there are any effective steps which can be taken? I'm almost at the point
of favoring legalization of every addidictive drug there is, just to dry
up the narcotrafficers flow of money.
Robert E. White: Most Americans
know in their heart that drug interdiction does not work. Most Americans
believe strongly that the United States should not get involved in other
countries civil wars. The tragedy of this policy is that it is unsustainable.
There will be, within a very short time-- 2 or 3 years-- the US will be
under pressure at home to end our military involvement. It's premature,
not well thought out and has no well defined objectives.
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Baltimore, Maryland: Mr. White:
I am a retired military officer
who was involved in the counternarcotics mission during the late 1980's.
My experience tells me that when the choice comes down to providing the
toys for boys, i.e., helicopters, arms, etc. to support a Latin American
military in its struggle against the traffickers, or investing in the
country's infrastructure to provide alternatives to coca production, the
toys win. After all, they're sexy, make for better photo ops, and also
keep the factories at home humming. Who cares about promoting development
in some backwater where half the aid will go into some local official's
wallet? I may sound cynical but it seems to me that many of these decisions
are made for domestic reasons.
Robert E. White: I agree.
The United States now spends more on military preparedness than the rest
of the world combined. That is an astonishing statistic. At the same time,
we cut the budget the State Dept, we cut foreign aid. When countries turn
to us for help, the only things we have offer are attack helicopters.
As of March 13, 2000, this
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