Statement
of Sen. Joseph Biden (D-Delaware), hearing of Senate Caucus on International
Narcotics Control, February 28, 2001
The
Honorable Senator Joseph Biden, Jr.
Co-Chairman
Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control
Mr. Chairman, thank you for calling this hearing today to focus on Plan
Colombia -- not only on the implementation of the Plan, but on the challenges
that lie ahead.
Last summer, Congress committed roughly $1 billion in support of Plan
Colombia -- to combat drug trafficking, to assist Colombia build alternative
economic opportunities, to support the protection of human rights, and
to help Colombia build a justice system that works.
The programs approved by Congress are just getting off the ground, but
now is a good time to review the status of the programs. Already, the
push into Southern Colombia is yielding important results in Putumayo
province, where over 20,000 hectares of coca fields have been fumigated.
I visited Colombia
twice last year. I came away from my visits convinced that Plan Colombia
offers a real chance to make a significant difference in reducing the
drug trade in that country.
Plan Colombia comes at a unique moment when both drug cultivation and
production are occurring in the same place. Time was when most coca was
grown in Bolivia and Peru, processed into cocaine in Colombia, and transported
to the United States by major Colombian cartels. And most heroin came
from either Mexico or Southeast Asia, but certainly not from Colombia.
Today, nearly 70 percent of the world’s coca leaf is grown and processed
in Colombia. Some 65 percent of the heroin sold in the United States –
and nearly all of the extremely pure white powder heroin sold on the East
Coast – comes from Colombia.
But Colombia is more than a significant source of narcotics sold in this
country. It is a proud nation of 40 million people, and it is the second-oldest
democracy in this hemisphere. The concentration of the drug trade there
has led to an assault on Colombia’s democracy, not only by drug traffickers,
but also by left-wing guerillas and right-wing paramilitaries who are
financed by drug money.
I hope that in reviewing Plan Colombia today, we focus not only at the
narrow question of how well our programs are working, but also at the
broader question of the next steps in our Colombia policy.
We are fortunate to have such a strong ally in President Pastrana. I have
met with him on a number of occasions, most recently for dinner the other
night. I think I know him pretty well by now and I believe that he is
truly committed to combating the drug trade and building a new Colombia.
The obstacles he
faces are enormous. No one can question his commitment or his courage.
President Pastrana has roughly 18 months left in office and we must continue
to work with him closely.
I recognize that the Bush Administration is still getting its feet on
the ground, and is only beginning to assess the direction of American
foreign policy in many areas, including our policy toward Colombia. I
urge the Administration to consider the following guiding principles as
it reviews this issue.
First, the United States must continue to stay engaged with Colombia.
If we walk away, we can be sure of one thing: the human rights situation
will further deteriorate and drug production will flourish.
Second, the United States must stay focused not only on Colombia, but
the Andean region as a whole.
The danger is great that narcotics production will re-emerge in Bolivia
and Peru -- or shift elsewhere in the region. Already there is anecdotal
evidence that some coca production is shifting back to Peru. Congress
was right to increase the regional emphasis of the plan last year, and
the new Administration should follow this approach.
Third, the United States must continue to press Colombia for improvements
in human rights. The Colombian military has reduced considerably its direct
involvement in human rights violations, but evidence of collusion with
paramilitaries remains strong. If the military continues to turn a blind
eye to paramilitary violence, support for the Plan will inevitably erode
in this country.
Fourth, the United States should offer assistance and diplomatic support
for the Colombian peace process.
Ultimately, peace
must be made by Colombians, but working with other nations from this hemisphere
and from Europe, we can provide assistance to the negotiating process.
Fifth, Congress and the Administration should work together to extend
and expand trade opportunities for Colombia and the other Andean countries.
The Andean Trade Preference Act, which was enacted in the last Bush Administration,
expires this year. I hope the Executive Branch and Congress can cooperate
on a meaningful extension of the Act in order to strengthen the legal
economic sectors in Colombia.
I look forward to hearing the testimony of our witnesses and having a
frank discussion with them about the progress we are making and the road
ahead.
As of January 4,
2002, this document was also available online at http://drugcaucus.senate.gov/hearings/colombia01/biden.html
