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Updated:9/17/03 |
| Remarks
by James Hill, Commander of the U.S. Southern Command, Center for Strategic
and International Studies, September 10, 2003 "Colombia
-- The Way Ahead" Irwin Ropero was a typical Colombian boy. He surely liked to do all the things 10-year-old boys do. On April 17th this year, in his hometown of Fortul, a small town in the Arauca department, he was paid the equivalent of 35 cents to deliver a bicycle to a soldiers' checkpoint. What Irwin didn't know was that 10 pounds of dynamite had been placed inside the tubing of the bicycle. As he delivered the bike, it detonated and blew his body to shreds. Later, when they found his hand, it still clutched the 35 cents. The terrorists who murdered this boy are just a few hours away from us. As we root out terrorism around the world -- and it is truly a worldwide effort -- we must also stay the course right here in our hemisphere, particularly in Colombia. We must not falter now, at this critical juncture, or the problem will surely grow beyond Colombia and further undermine a fragile region. With our country heavily engaged in troubled spots of the world, we can ill afford failed states populated by narco-terrorists and international terrorists just to our south. The future of Colombia, Latin America and the Caribbean is undeniably important to the United States -- strategically, economically, and culturally -- although sometimes it seems the farther you get north of Miami, the harder it is to get others to focus on that truth. Latin America provides over 31 percent of our imported oil, more than all Middle Eastern countries combined. The U.S. conducts more than $360 billion of annual trade with Latin America and the Caribbean, nearly as much as with the entire European community. By the year 2010, trade with the region's countries is expected to exceed that of the European Economic Community and Japan combined. This exchange translates into millions of American jobs in businesses linked to the Americas. Additionally, the Free Trade Area of the Americas promises to propel economic cooperation to a new level. There are many things are going well in the hemisphere, but there remain significant challenges. Many countries are consolidating democracies that are taking time to mature. Some of these democracies could fail, bringing about an unwelcome return to authoritarian regimes that respect neither human rights nor democratic principles. Meanwhile, these countries face uncertainty, resulting from weak institutions that have not yet experienced multiple cycles of free elections, from popular disappointment that liberal market reforms have not produced quick improvement in living standards, and from ungoverned spaces lacking official state presence. This uncertainty makes these governments targets for sophisticated criminal organizations and terrorists. Illegal armed groups foster corruption, greed and instability -- and undermine the best efforts of dedicated public servants and honest citizens. As these countries struggle to maintain their own law and order, we must not waver in our commitment to them. As with every other combatant commander, the war on terrorism is my number-one priority. While the fight rages in the Middle East, Southern Command plays a vital role in fighting branches of global and local terrorism in our area of responsibility. We are identifying and assisting partner nations to engage those who seek to exploit real and perceived weaknesses of maturing democracies. The primary threat in our region continues to come from the three largest illegal armed groups in Colombia, all named on the State Department's list of foreign terrorist organizations -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC; the National Liberation Army, or ELN; and the United Self-Defense Forces, or AUC. In June of this year, President Bush designated the FARC and the AUC as two entities subject to the Kingpin Act, the first time that groups rather than individuals had been designated as such. These terrorist groups are still referred to by many as "revolutionaries," "guerrillas," "rebels" or "militias," lending them some kind of tacit legitimacy with those words. Yet a group that kills 10-year-old boys with bicycle bombs -- as the FARC did on April 17th -- forfeits any claim to legitimacy, and any claim to represent the good of the people. These common thugs operate outside the rule of law to profit at the expense of Colombia and its people -- and also at the expense of the United States and our people. While some members of these groups may retain fragments of a founding ideology, their actions betray motives driven by greed. Narco-terrorists have found a lucrative business in the drug trade, and their reach extends beyond Colombia. These groups operate across all of Colombia's borders, and in and out of many neighboring countries. Their market is expanding globally. In Brazil, drug-fueled urban gangs routinely shut down large portions of Rio de Janeiro. We are seeing a similar trend with gangs and drug-related crime across Central America. In Bolivia, manipulative traffickers -- in conjunction with a radical political party -- seek to tap peasant frustration to undermine the elected government. In Peru, the Shining Path is undergoing a resurgence -- based on the FARC model -- by protecting cocaine smugglers and collecting taxes on the coca trade. As if narco-terrorist violence were not enough, extensions of Middle Eastern terrorism have crept into the area. Islamic radical groups that support Hamas, Hezbollah and Islamiyya al Gammat are all active in Latin America. Support cells, extending from Trinidad and Tobago to Margarita Island off Venezuela to the tri-border area of Paraguay, Argentina and Brazil, consist of logistics and support personnel. And terrorists who have planned or participated in attacks in the Middle East, such as recently captured Khalid Shaihk Mohammed, have spent time in the region. These groups generate funds through money laundering, drug trafficking, or arms deals, and make millions of dollars every year via their multiple illicit activities. These logistic cells reach back to the Middle East and extend to this hemisphere the sophisticated global support structure of international terrorism. Not surprisingly, Islamic radical groups and narco-terrorists in Colombia all practice the same business methods. Against this hemispheric backdrop, let's go back to Colombia -- which is at a decisive point, and [is] the test bed of our resolve. I have been to Colombia 16 times over the past year, and I am seeing significant progress. I am guardedly optimistic that President Uribe will establish security and stability in that country. Much of my optimism stems from what I have personally seen him do over the past year. Likewise, Secretary Rumsfeld and General Myers were also impressed by his determination and Colombian progress during their recent visits to Colombia. President Uribe is a man of vision, principle, and substance. He is inculcating his government and his armed forces with an aggressive spirit. Almost single-handedly, he is willing the Colombian people into believing they can win the war against the narco-terrorists and end the violence. As driven as he is, however, the task in front of him is enormous. It is difficult enough to change cultural mindsets and bureaucratic systems in peacetime. Throw in 40 years of violence and a wartime environment, and it becomes exponentially harder. Yet he is moving the ship of state, slowly but surely. As Americans, we are conditioned to expect quick, even instantaneous results. But in Colombia we have to exercise patience and maintain steadfast support. The Colombians need time to turn their state from one that concentrated on protecting the capital, Bogotá, and that mistakenly dealt with the surge of narco-terrorists in the countryside as a public order problem into a state that aggressively takes the fight to its enemies and extends its control nationwide. This is President Uribe's vision and he is building the long-term strategy to accomplish it. With all our other commitments around the world, some ask: why should we want to be involved in Colombia? First and foremost, because it is in our interest. Colombia is the second-oldest democracy in the hemisphere, our fifth-largest trading partner in Latin America, and our ninth-largest supplier of petroleum. A destabilized Colombia threatens the Andean ridge and disrupts regional trade. A weak Colombia replete with terrorists of all stripes in ungoverned spaces can only set a most unwelcome precedent for destabilizing neighboring countries. Colombia's neighbors understand this and are increasing coordination and cooperation. Currently, unpredictable violence causes many of Colombia's best and brightest to leave in search of normalcy. These citizens are exactly the ones essential to the long-term health of Colombia -- or any country. A nation that loses its citizens with the most potential -- its entrepreneurs and public servants -- forgoes its future. Good neighbors do not stand idly by when asked for help. And they have asked. America must not turn its back on a democratic ally and neighbor. The help is not operational, but instead, comprises training assistance so that Colombians can deal with their internal problems themselves. Of course we have a vested interest in the outcome, but this is a Colombian fight. President Uribe was elected on a platform of going after the terrorists aggressively, and his actions so far back up his campaign promises. He has increased the size and effectiveness of his military, raised taxes, and implemented judicial, economic and political reforms. These actions have generated momentum against the criminals in Colombia, and our deployed forces have seen a noticeable boost in the spirit of those they train. Our physical presence is rather modest, by law being no more than 400 troops and 400 civilian contractors. But you've seen what a few dedicated men working with allied forces have done overseas. We're having a similar effect in Colombia. Their military proficiency is rising. This means they can respond quicker, move faster, and fight better than they have ever been able to. The 1st Counter-Narcotics Brigade continues to train and operate with ever-greater professional competence. The establishment and training of a commando battalion to pursue enemy leadership has already produced results since its first deployment in January. My command sergeant major is working with the Colombian military to professionalize its non-commissioned officer corps -- the lifeblood of any military and the key to long-term success. The Southcom staff is working with the Colombian military to help them improve joint operations, another key to long-term success. U.S. Special Forces have also been training Colombian armed forces in Arauca to protect a portion of the 772-mile pipeline that has been a frequent target of FARC and ELN attacks -- a keystone in an overall infrastructure protection strategy across the country. Colombia's situation is unique in two ways. First, it faces enemies that are financed at orders of magnitude better than the groups other countries have had to face. Even at the height of the Cold War, none of the proxy-Marxist groups anywhere in the Americas were so well-paid, -equipped, and -supplied as those the Colombians face today, all due of course to the hyper-profits from the drug trade. Secondly, Colombia is fighting justly, in accordance with democratic values and human rights. This is simply foundational to what they and we are striving to achieve. The Colombian government is not employing rural concentration camps, peasant round-ups, massacres, disappearances or any other tactics used by their enemies. Plan Colombia is a six-year plan. We are only half-way through it. President Uribe is fully adhering to the plan and looking well beyond it. Most notably, a subsidiary campaign plan -- Plan Patriota -- is a long-term strategy, coordinated across the Colombian services, the inter-agency and our military, which details the systematic defeat of Colombia's narco-terrorists. He is building the systems that will eventually return Colombia to the ranks of peaceful and prosperous nations. President Uribe has only three more years in office. And there are already some indications the FARC leadership believes they can simply wait out President Uribe and pick up their normal pace again once he leaves. Consequently, it is critical -- especially this year and next -- that he gets our unwavering support to set all his long-term initiatives firmly into place. Our nation certainly has multiple competing demands on our resources. Yet in meeting other priorities, we must not sweep growingly sophisticated threats under the rug today, in a country just a couple of hours away. We will send a signal worldwide that this hemisphere is open for illicit business. To do so would require us to pay a heavy price in the future, one we could buy down now with steadfastness and patience. Pro-action and resolve now will prevent reaction and surprise later. Irwin Ropero, the ten-year-old boy killed by the FARC's bicycle bomb, never had a chance in life. He will never get the chance to grow up, get a job, get married, or have children of his own. He will never get the chance to serve his nation, his family, or his God. His loss is tragic, and shocking -- yet all too familiar. We, as good global citizens, should not and must not turn a blind eye to our neighbor's plight. We are at a critical moment in Colombia's history. President Uribe's determination and vision have galvanized the will of the Colombian people and the armed forces to defeat the narco-terrorists and to establish security and stability. There is a sense of momentum, commitment, and hope as the Colombian people struggle to save their country. But this is a small window of opportunity. Public opinion and support will wane without significant progress. Our substantial investment in Colombia's future is paying off and showing results. They have momentum, and they are much better off than they were a year ago -- yet there remains enormous work to be done on all fronts. The success we're seeing is infectious. It breeds victory on the battlefield and fortifies resolve in Bogotá and Washington. President Uribe won't let the Colombian people or his military lose their resolve. We must not lose ours. It has
been a privilege to be here today. I look forward to your questions. |
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