Speech
by Del. Robert Underwood (D-Guam), March 29, 2000
Mr.
UNDERWOOD. Mr. Chairman, I rise in reluctant favor of this bill, which makes
emergency appropriations for fiscal year 2000. Notwithstanding my support
for the $2 billion package for the costs of the U.S. peacekeepers in Kosovo
or the paltry, yet sorely needed $854 million for the Pentagon's embattled
health-insurance system, I have serious concerns over the Colombia supplemental
package.
The $1.7 billion package of
counter-narcotics and development assistance for the Andean region, principally
Colombia may be spending too much money in the wrong places. Let's briefly
list what this package includes:
Assistance for Colombian Army
Counter-narcotics Battalions [`Push into Southern Colombia' program].
This includes 33 Huey helicopters and 28 UH-60 (Blackhawk) helicopters,
along with training, operations and maintenance and related equipment.
Assistance for Colombian National
Police--2 UH-60 helicopters; a spray aircraft; base construction; upgrade
of existing aircraft; and provision of intelligence.
Narcotic interdiction assistance
for Colombia and neighbors in the region.
Some economic development
including crop substitution, employment, and resettlement.
A modicum of human rights
protection, democratic governance, judicial reform and the peace process.
Mr. Chairman, as a member
of the House Armed Services Committee, I have been privy to many briefings
regarding the grave situation in Colombia. And while I believe the U.S.
has a responsibility to assist the Colombian government there needs to
be a full and unfettered debate on the extent of American assistance.
For example, we have been
told by U.S. military chiefs and Pentagon officials that U.S. forces which
currently number around 250 personnel, do not and will not engage in combat
operations with the Colombian military against the leftist guerrillas.
We are told that U.S. personnel are there in Colombia solely to `advise
and train.' This sound bite is what has many members and security analysts
making comparisons to Vietnam. Looking at this bill, we see vast portions
of the funding slated for counter-narcotics interdiction efforts. Yet
no one can explain to me (or any member for that matter)--operationally,
where does narcotics-interdiction end, and counter-insurgency begin?
Another potential pitfall
that troubles me is the right-wing paramilitary groups that have sprung
up in Colombia. These armed militias, which are tacitly accepted by the
Colombian military, are reticent of the Central-American `Death Squads'
that killed thousands there in the 1980s. I don't believe this bill contains
enough protections to condition this military aid on a `human rights'
certification basis.
Finally, I am deeply disappointed
that Congresswoman Pelosi's amendment to mandate funds for domestic treatment
programs aimed at reducing demand. Representative Pelosi's proposed amendment
would have added $1.3 billion for this purpose. If you are going to effectively
attack a problem, you need to do so on every front. With the Republican's
shutting off this wise proposal, I can not take seriously their claims
to be `doing this for the children of America.'
Mr. Chairman, I am disappointed
that there were not significant funds in this bill for a more comprehensive
aid package on alternative economic development; increased protection
of human rights workers; humanitarian aid to the internally displaced;
and the peace process between the Colombian government and the leftist
insurgents.
As I noted at the outset,
I do support this measure but reluctantly. Whereas I have briefly outlined
my personal reservations, I recognize that there are many aspects of this
bill that will do a lot of good. In any case, I hope that this body will
have a future opportunity to fully examine the U.S. military's involvement
in Colombia. Our military experts are setting us up for at least a 5 year
commitment. My greatest fear is that years from now our troops will have
become embroiled in this civil quagmire in Colombia--a war that has been
on going for 40 years. True, the civil/political/military situation in
Colombia is very different from Vietnam, but I ask, does it not also look
very much the same?
As of March 30, 2000, this
document was also available online at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r106:H29MR0-173: