Testimony
of Robert B. Charles, Assistant Secretary for International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement Affairs, U.S. Department of State, Hearing of
the House International Relations Western Hemisphere Subcommittee,
November 18, 2004
Aid to Colombia: The European Role in the Fight Against Narcoterrorism
Robert
B. Charles
Assistant Secretary
Bureau for International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement Affairs
U.S. Department of State
Testimony
Before Chairman Cass Ballenger and the
House Committee on International Relations
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
Washington,
DC
November 18, 2004
Mr.
Chairman, and distinguished members of the committee, thank you
for the invitation to discuss aid to Colombia and the European
role in the fight against narcoterrorism. Before I begin to talk
about the subject of today, I would like to take a moment to recognize
the extraordinary efforts of Chairman Cass Ballenger over the
years. Representative Ballenger, you have been a staunch and longtime
supporter of INL programs in Colombia and you will be missed in
Congress, in the State Department, in INL, and in Colombia. I
salute your many years of fine service.
I
have told you before that I believe we are at a tipping point
in Colombia. Seizures and eradications are at record levels. Kidnappings,
massacres, and murders are down significantly. People are now
talking about peace as something that could really happen sooner
rather than later. All of these success stories create a powerful
testament for more assistance to Colombia, so that this hard earned
momentum is not lost. Congress has recognized this by providing
continued bipartisan support to Colombia. However, we cannot provide
this assistance alone. Help is needed from other nations that
are friends of Colombia and who have a stake in combating narcoterrorism
and drug consumption. Both Europe and the United States have recognized
the need for demand countries to take responsibility along with
supply countries.
I
would preface my comments by making a broad general statement.
European support and concern for Colombia seem to be growing,
although both are still not what they could be. On counternarcotics,
the European focus is on demand reduction and alternative development,
rather than eradication and interdiction. Nonetheless, this support
is welcome. European engagement contributes to the overall social
and economic progress being registered in Colombia. The Europeans,
multilaterally and bilaterally, are engaging more directly and
we encourage this.
Our
support to Plan Colombia, complemented by our regional efforts
in the Andes, represents a significant investment by the American
people and Congress to fight the flow of drugs responsible for
ending thousands of lives each year in the United States, most
of them young Americans. It is also a robust effort to fight powerful,
often entrenched terrorists in this Hemisphere. Finally, it is
a bold and uncompromising initiative to protect democratic rule
in Colombia, and across the Andean region. The grand gamble of
robust support by the U.S. Congress now showing fruit in
Colombia would not have been possible without the extraordinary,
courageous and determined leadership of President Uribe. Since
taking office in August 2002, his administration has taken an
aggressive stand against narcoterrorism. That stand has enabled
the broad panoply of hard and soft Colombia programs to work.
I would like to say for the record, here today, that I believe
President Uribe qualifies as one of the most courageous leaders
in the Western Hemisphere, and perhaps in the history of our hemisphere.
He is showing the kind of political leadership, perhaps even for
allies in the region, which engenders more than respect
it is the kind of intellectual and operational leadership that
causes lasting, sustainable change in a country, and may across
the entire region and in the hemisphere. He is at the tip of a
spear, and the spear is a true paradigm shift, away from a world
that views drug trafficking and terrorism as immutable, and toward
a world that calls and renders both terrorism and drug trafficking
part of a dead past. He is cutting a swath that we all should
be proud to follow, in many ways like the leadership of Elliot
Ness in 1930s Chicago or Rudolph Guilliani in 1990s
New York. He is demonstrating that past assumptions are subject
to challenge, and that past norms can be altered and even ended.
I am grateful to him for his leadership, and all Americans should
be, even as I am enduringly grateful to the U.S. Congress and
the leaders on and off this committee who have long championed
the Andean Region counter-drug effort and before it, Plan Colombia.
I must pause to note that one of the strongest leaders on this
issue has been this chambers present leader, and my former
boss, Speaker Dennis Hastert, as well as many of the members and
staff of this committee. That said, it is today my pleasure to
be able to testify before you. I earnestly thank you for your
unwavering support for the people and programs that are making
a difference in Colombia and therefore in heartland America.
The
abhorrent plagues of narcotics consumption and narcoterrorism
do not recognize national borders. They are transnational problems
that require transnational solutions. The drug problem is not
limited to just the U.S. or to Colombia. Every nation on Earth
is affected daily by the heartbreaking loss of life, productivity,
and health directly attributable to illegal narcotics. Our friends
and allies in Europe are not immune from the negative effects
of illegal drugs. Cocaine consumption is a growing problem in
Europe. The European Center for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA)
2003 report indicates that cocaine use in the United Kingdom,
Denmark, Germany, Spain and the Netherlands is increasing. As
our own experience has shown, this problem must be engaged on
all fronts, and with all available tools.
Europe
as a whole and individual countries have been actively engaged
in Colombia since the beginning of Plan Colombia and have implemented
some very worthwhile projects, some of which I will describe to
provide an idea of European efforts. Nevertheless, it is important
to repeat that more could be done. We are at a point where we
must keep the pressure on the narcoterrorists and provide opportunities
to Colombians who want peace and prosperity. Letting up now would
be like quitting in the third quarter of a football game. We must
push forward. We may not be in the end zone, but we have certainly
passed the 50-yard line. Significant and increased support from
Europe will be necessary if we are to sustain the positive momentum
in Colombia. Colombia and Europe will benefit from increased European
support, and both will suffer without it.
Our
Efforts to Promote European Assistance
Since Plan Colombia was announced, there have been three formal
donor conferences in Madrid, Bogotá, and Brussels. On July
10, 2003, there was a donor planning meeting in London, and the
fourth donor conference will be held in Cartagena, Colombia in
2005 to review progress and better coordinate programs that are
being implemented as a result of the earlier meeting. This fourth
conference was originally planned for 2004, but has now been postponed
until 2005. Secretary Powell, my colleagues in other bureaus of
the State Department, and I regularly engage the Europeans bilaterally
and in multilateral fora to engage them on the needs of Colombia
and the benefits to increasing their assistance. My bureau pressed
these issues last month in direct talks with the European Union
in Brussels and again, earlier this month at the Major Donors
Meeting of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). These conversations
are sometimes tough, and they should be. Other mechanisms we use
to promote cooperation and greater European assistance include
the Dublin Group, Mini-Dublin Groups, and the Inter-American Drug
Abuse Commission (CICAD) of the Organization of the American States
(OAS).
Overall
European Assistance -- A Complicated Picture
European aid to Colombia is varied in both sources and funding
mechanisms. There is no one clearinghouse or entity that provides
the complete picture. There is multilateral aid and bilateral
aid. There are loans, grants, and concessions, plus a variety
of budget approval and disbursement processes. In addition, most
countries track funds by project execution and not years, as we
do. Many countries provide assistance solely through multilateral
organizations like the UN and others via Non-governmental Organizations
(NGOs). Many of the projects are not directly linked to confronting
narcotrafficking. In spite of all these difficulties in tracking
the numbers, the universal sentiment in Colombia and in the State
Department, is that EU and European bilateral assistance has increased,
but that more could and should be done by the countries of Europe.
Due to the difficulty in getting definitive numbers, I will rely
heavily on overall big picture numbers provided by the European
Union and the Colombian Agency for International Cooperation (ACCI)
for what has actually been spent in Colombia. I am sure that some
projects have been missed and some numbers may be lower or higher.
Nonetheless, I believe that the overall portrait of numbers that
I will share with you is relatively accurate.
According
to ACCI, the EU and its member states invested about $120 million
in Colombia in 2003, of which $84 million was bilateral. Major
bilateral programs included Belgium ($2 million), France ($8 million),
Germany ($20.9 million), the Netherlands ($8 million), Spain ($30
million), and Sweden ($11.4 million). EU commission projects include
a $35 million Peace Laboratory in the Magdalena Medio region of
Colombia, and a $33 million Peace Laboratory in the state of Norte
de Santander. Other projects are much smaller in scope and include
such projects as rural development, strengthening of penal institutions,
assistance to uprooted communities, and promotion of organic fruit
production with small farmer collectives.
The
U.S. on the other hand, obligated $580 million in Andean Counterdrug
Initiative (ACI) funding alone in 2003. This included $168.2 million
in alternative development and institutional building. In other
words, in 2003 the U.S. obligated over 4 times the amount of money
as the entire EU and its member states. These numbers do not include
support from the UN, but remember we also support Colombia via
the UN. These figures move into even sharper focus when you consider
that at least 150 metric tons of cocaine enters Europe each year,
while the U.S. receives over 300 metric tons. To put it more clearly,
the U.S. consumes twice the amount of cocaine that is consumed
in Europe, yet the U.S. obligated in Colombia 400 percent more
in assistance in 2003 than did the EU and its member states. While
Colombia is not the sole provider of cocaine to the U.S. or to
Europe, it is certainly the major provider producing two-thirds
of the worlds coca and processing even more.
Where
the European Assistance is Going
The European Union and the countries of Europe do have a number
of worthy projects in Colombia. In general, the Europeans prefer
to invest in what we often call "soft" projects. These
projects are often development oriented in nature and generally
devoted to non-law enforcement recipients. The EU also has appropriated
a substantial amount of money for humanitarian projects via the
EU Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO). For the period of 2002 through
2004, the EU provided over $35 million to Colombia for this purpose
even though much more has been promised. This is indicative of
one of the problems with the European efforts to date; some pledges
have yet to materialize, and when pledges are actually obligated,
there is great delay in disbursing the funds. The time to act
in Colombia is now, while the narcoterrorists are on the ropes,
not possibly two or three years from now.
European
Union Multilateral Assistance
The Colombian Agency for International Cooperation lists five
major European multilateral projects in Colombia. These projects
have disbursed less than $10 million in the last five years. They
include alternative development in the Colombian states of Meta,
Caquetá, and Santa Marta; a monitoring system for illicit
crops; decentralization of the National Drug Plan; capacity building
for control of drugs and precursor chemicals; and strengthening
of local authorities in the fight against corruption. These are
all projects that clearly are worthwhile and need to be done,
but $10 million is not nearly enough to address problems that
have a profound effect on Europe. These are all important projects,
but we would like to see more. Big problems require uncompromisingly
bold solutions.
United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)
At present, the UNODC has at least five projects in Colombia that
receive funding from European countries. The total value for these
projects is a little over $11 million with a little over half
of this amount already used in Colombia. The largest of these
provides $4.3 million for an alternative development project with
farmers in the states of Caquetá and Meta. The project
started in January of 1999 and will finish in December of 2006.
The next largest project is one entitled, "Sustainable Livelihoods"
that is also a developmental project. It began in September of
1999 and has a completion date of December 2004. The approved
budget is $1.9 million. A third project provides $1.7 million
to strengthen the capacity of the Colombian justice system in
investigating, prosecuting, and sentencing drug and precursor
traffickers. This project started in January of 1998 and is scheduled
to be completed by December 2005. The fourth project is a prevention,
treatment, and rehabilitation project for $1.7 million. It began
in January of 1999 and will wrap up in December of 2005. The final
UNODC project is for almost $1.5 million and is designed to build
upon the work of a previous project that developed an integrated
monitoring system for illicit crops. The goal of this project
is to expand the database beyond geographical data to include
social and economic data as well. These projects complement a
USAID grant to UNODC totaling $5 million supporting alternative
development activities in the department of Nariño and
complimentary verification and monitoring systems. There are issues
that require intense and continuing dialogue with UNODC, and I
am well aware of them, but the efforts are on-going and generating
results.
Where
Greater Assistance is Needed
What we do in places like Colombia has a direct effect here, in
the United States. The same is true for Europe. Failure to invest
more in Colombia will only compound the problems of narcotics
consumption and narcotrafficking in Europe in the future. Six
areas that will be discussed at the upcoming Cartagena conference
are: Forestry, Reintegration into Society, Alternative and Productive
Development, Strengthening the Rule of Law, Regional Development
Programs, and Forced Displacement and Humanitarian Programs.
We
believe Europe can provide significant help in the area of dealing
with internally displaced persons, demobilized persons, and deserters.
As peace flourishes, there will be a significantly increased need
for programs and projects dealing with these individuals and ensuring
that they are integrated back as productive members into Colombian
society. We have asked the Europeans about their plans in this
area and have been told that they are considering how to respond.
President Uribe has recently announced that Colombia will begin
to demobilize thousands of paramilitary members in the coming
months. I want to emphasize that this demobilization must in no
way exonerate members of the insurgent and paramilitary groups
who have committed serious crimes and acts of terrorism from facing
justice in Colombia, Europe, or the U.S., and President Uribe
has echoed this sentiment to us.
Another
area where European assistance is needed is the area of money
laundering and terrorist financing. This is the lifeblood of the
narcoterrorists, and we must attack their money at every opportunity
and in every country. Europe has a well-developed banking system
and significant experience and expertise in dealing with money
laundering. The Colombian narcoterrorists use European banks,
and European assistance would be particularly welcomed in this
area. Since September 11, our own experts have been working double
time on terrorist financing, and we would welcome European assistance.
Europe
is especially well suited to help combat the diversion of precursor
chemicals. Europe, like the U.S., has a highly developed chemical
sector that exports to the whole world. Unfortunately, some of
these chemicals are diverted to the manufacture of drugs that
are killing children in Colombia, the U.S. and Europe. Denying
this vital component to the drug trade would certainly seem like
a promising area for the Europeans to pursue with Colombia.
Counternarcotics
Achievements in Colombia
Even though you, the Members of Congress need no convincing, I
think it important to review what we have done in Colombia, so
that everyone knows that the American taxpayers dollars
are being put to good use. If the Europeans look closely at these
success stories, I think that they too would agree that increasing
their investment in Colombias battle against narcoterrorism
is the right thing to do. I would encourage them to mimic the
comprehensiveness of our program and not limit themselves to just
"soft" projects and programs. The birds eye view
of Colombia is encouraging. The commitment of Congress and the
effective implementation of our programs are paying off, and Colombians
finally have hope for a better future.
Eradication
In 2003, INL and the Colombians, working closely together, eradicated
116,000 hectares of coca via aerial spraying. At the same time,
alternative development programs in Colombia resulted in the manual
eradication of an additional 8,441 hectares. The 113,850 hectares
under cultivation this year represents a 33 percent reduction
from the peak-growing year in 2001 when 169,800 hectares of coca
were under illicit cultivation. Riding on the success of Colombia
reductions, production of coca in the Andean region dropped for
the second straight year -- this time by 16 percent.
The Colombian government, with USG support, is making similar
progress on opium poppy eradication. In 2003, Colombia sprayed
2,821 hectares of opium poppy while 1,009 hectares were manually
eradicated. This was a reduction of 21 percent for 2003. In 2002,
our efforts reduced coca cultivation by 15 percent. This was a
double-digit decline for the second straight year -- a first time
accomplishment. With Colombian heroin victimizing children from
Florida to Illinois, New York, Maine, and points West, we must
continue our vigorous efforts to eliminate all the poppy in Colombia.
This
year our spray goal for coca and opium poppy is ambitious: 130,000
hectares of coca and all opium poppy. To date, we are ahead of
schedule on these eradication milestones. As of November 15, 2004,
we have sprayed over 119,000 hectares of coca and over 3,000 hectares
of poppy. When we meet our 2004 goals, it will be the third year
in a row that coca and opium poppy eradication has increased.
I am certain that we will meet the spray goals for 2004, and we
will have our third year in a row of record eradication. I wish
I could then say "Three strikes and you are out," to
the narcotraffickers, but much remains to be done. However, record
eradication statistics combined with record seizure numbers are
going to have a positive effect on our constant efforts to keep
illegal drugs off the streets of America.
I
would be remiss if I did not state for the record that we take
environmental concerns very seriously in our spray program. We
have sought to be responsive to Members of Congress and non-governmental
organizations that have understandably expressed concern about
the potential effects of aerial eradication on human health and
the environment. We adhere to a higher level of environmental
safety in Colombia than any comparable use of herbicide in the
world.
Alternative
Development
Consolidating gains and sustaining progress requires that those
who grow coca or opium poppy be not only discouraged from involvement
in the drug trade, but also encouraged to enter legitimate markets.
Accordingly, alternative development complements interdiction
and eradication programs by increasing legal economic opportunities
for former producers of coca and poppy. These USAID programs,
initially concentrated in Putumayo and Caquetá, areas of
Colombias densest coca cultivation, have expanded into other
departments with high incidence or threat of coca cultivation.
This year, our efforts have already supported more than 10,000
hectares of legal crops, for a cumulative total of 49,000 hectares
since 2000. These activities have benefited more than 38,000 families.
Alternative
development is more than alternative crops. It also includes activities
that improve Colombias rural infrastructure, so that licit
crops can be transported and marketed. This year alone, over 200
infrastructure projects were completed for a total of almost 900
since 2001. The project built more than 90 schools, 40 water systems,
and 80 municipal buildings -- ranging from homes for the elderly
to business centers and community centers. Projects completed
also include 195 sewage projects and 35 roads. Another indication
that democracy and legitimate, accountable businesses are taking
root is that 21 citizen oversight committees were formed last
quarter, for a cumulative total of 220 municipalities with improved
public services.
USAID-sponsored
alternative development projects in Colombia are reinforcing the
core functions and values that underpin Colombias democratic
civil society. Program beneficiaries are uniting and forming associations
to ensure progress achieved continues after USAID funding has
ended. The Association "Building a Future," for instance,
comprised of 14 small farmer organizations, representing 388 families
from Mocoa, recently gained national attention when they were
invited to speak at a forum in Bucaramanga sponsored by the influential
Colombian non-governmental organization, Planeta Paz. The President
of the Association, Libardo Martinez, when speaking with other
local leaders, stressed the importance of community work and organization.
According to Martinez, "...the Putumayo experience has become
the reference point for progress for the other departments and
for the rest of the world." Colombians are increasingly proud
of the future they are creating, using rule of law and the legitimate
economy as a pivot point.
Interdiction
Interdiction efforts are central to the continuing success in
Colombia, and an area where European support could be increased.
We provide assistance to and work closely with Colombias
armed forces and police. As a result, Colombian forces reported
seizures of 145 metric tons of cocaine and coca base in 2003.
If sold on U.S. streets, we estimate an additional $1.75 billion
would have reached drug traffickers and the narcoterrorism they
support. In fact, cocaine seizures have increased every year since
2001. Since President Uribe took office in August 2002, Colombian
forces have also seized nearly 1,500 kilograms of heroin.
Another
good news story seldom written or talked about is Colombias
effective Air Bridge Denial program (ABD). This program is proving
to be a highly effective deterrent to international narcotrafficking.
Since its resumption in 2003, the program has tracked and sorted
thousands of flights, and forced down and/or destroyed over 26
suspected narcotics trafficking aircraft. As of August 2004, the
Colombian Air Force and its regional partners had seized almost
two metric tons of illicit drugs through the ABD program. In 2003,
the program resulted in 6.9 metric tons of drugs seized regionally.
The key here is not the number of planes destroyed or the amount
of drugs destroyed; rather, our goal is to effectively deter the
use of Colombian airspace by traffickers, while protecting civil
aviation. Narcotics trafficking patterns are beginning to measurably
change in response to the Colombian Air Force effort.
We
are undermining the narcotics industry, while also methodically
and decisively extending democracy and strengthening security
throughout Colombia. We have helped fund the establishment of
police in 158 municipalities, many of which had not seen any government
or security presence in decades. For the first time in the recorded
history of Colombia, there is now a state presence in all 1,098
of Colombias municipalities. This is an enormous step forward
for the people of Colombia and their democratically elected government.
As John Locke might say, where there is security and a stable
social compact, people will abide the law and mix their labor
with the land in a legitimate, lasting way. Due in very large
measure to the foresight of this body -- the U.S. Congress --
we are seeing real success.
Democratic
Institution Building and the Rule of Law
To improve the rule of law, USG projects also have assisted the
Government of Colombia in establishing 37 Justice Houses (casas
de justicia), which increase access to justice for poor Colombians.
Make no mistake: this is not a small victory or goal -- it is
at the very heart, in our view, of sustainable progress and U.S.
support. So far, these casas de justicia have handled over 2.8
million cases, easing the burden on the over-taxed judicial system.
Remarkably, the Department of Justice and USAID "Administration
of Justice" initiatives have also established 35 new Oral
Trial courtrooms and trained over 10,000 lawyers, judges and public
defenders in new oral legal procedures designed to reduce impunity
and quicken the judicial process. Similarly, an "Early Warning
System" is up and running, which monitors potential conditions
that might trigger human rights violations and thereby provides
warnings of impending threats. In addition, 11 new mobile satellite
units of the national human rights unit have been arrayed around
Colombia to provide a more immediate response to allegations of
human rights violations in the most remote areas of the country.
Together, these projects are creating a civil and human rights
protection infrastructure -- a climate of respect -- so that the
Colombian government may be able to prevent or be more responsive
to human rights violations.
Also
on human rights, the Colombian government "protection program"
has been expanded to include protection for mayors, local human
rights officials, council members, municipal human rights workers,
medical missions, journalists, and former mayors. In the third
quarter of FY 2004, more than 40 individuals received protection
measures for a cumulative total of 3,540. During this quarter,
ten additional offices are in the process of being armored, for
a cumulative total of 87 offices protected as of June 2004. Further,
a professional police corps has been trained and equipped to protect
judicial personnel, witnesses, and government officials. By providing
protection to these individuals and offices, we are playing an
increasingly important role in ensuring the ability of Colombias
leaders, human rights defenders, and local officials, to conduct
activities in as secure an environment as possible. This is another
area in which European support and expertise would be welcome.
Finally,
we provide emergency and longer-term assistance to so-called "Vulnerable
Groups," particularly Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).
This assistance, administered by USAID and the State Departments
Bureau for Population, Migration, and Refugees includes food,
shelter, psychosocial assistance, physical and mental health services,
community strengthening, income and employment generation, urban
assistance, education, and rehabilitation of ex-child combatants.
It also strengthens the Colombian agency responsible for IDP coordination,
protection, and border monitoring. The program runs more than
300 projects in 25 departments and 200 municipalities throughout
the country.
Last
quarter, IDP programs collectively aided more than 130,000 persons
for a cumulative total of over 1.9 million persons since 2001.
During the same period, more than 7,500 jobs were created for
IDPs and other vulnerable persons, such as youth at risk of displacement
or recruitment by illegal armed combatants. To date, IDP programs
have provided vocational and skill development training for nearly
52,000 IDPs and created over 65,000 jobs. Equally important, access
to education was increased during the last quarter for more than
900 displaced and other vulnerable children for a total of 164,840
recipients since the program began. Finally, more than 200 families
who were willing and able to safely return to their original communities
were assisted last quarter, for a cumulative total of 19,535 families,
or over 97,000 individuals since 2001. The IDP Program also assisted
170 additional child ex-combatants during the last quarter. By
providing viable life and employment options, the program discourages
families from taking up cultivation of illicit crops. European
countries have similar projects in this area and I would encourage
them to increase their efforts.
Concluding
Remarks
We all know the facts; the United States has invested well over
$3 billion in Colombia since 1999 to fight narcoterrorism. This
investment is beginning to produce some very impressive results
that will have a direct positive impact on our national security.
The U.S. Congress has been incredibly supportive in this noble
endeavor and should be commended. Drugs, violence, and crime undermine
democracy, rule of law, and the stability required for economic
development. The drug trade continues to kill tens of thousands
of people throughout the world. Consumer nations like ourselves
and the countries of Europe have a moral obligation to assist
Colombia in its battle. Besides the moral obligation that seems
obvious, the European countries should act out of self-interest,
because their citizens are consuming drugs from Colombia. This
consumption will generate greater crime and increased social ills.
Even scarier is the fact that the drug trade funds terrorists
and violent criminal groups in Colombia, which could spread to
other countries if not stopped. If we want the evils caused by
illicit drugs to stop, we, the Europeans, and all other countries
must be resolved to halt the production and trafficking of cocaine,
heroin, and other narcotics now. For, if we do not, we will most
assuredly see them again -- on our doorsteps and street corners.
The violence seen on our television screens against our friends
and allies to the south is difficult to bear; violence in our
very midst imposes a burden far heavier on our hearts and lives.
I promise you that I will redouble my efforts to ensure that the
nations of Europe realize that we all have a stake in ending the
drug threat in Colombia and that there is a need for greater investment
in the battle against narcoterrorism.
On
balance, the Colombians, with U.S. assistance and support, are
on track to dismantle narco-terrorist organizations by seizing
their current and future assets in all manners possible. We will
face challenges in the coming years that, if not addressed aggressively,
have the potential to reverse some of these gains. In particular,
the outcome of Colombias peace process will affect our operations.
We must also sustain our support for other allies in the Andes
to make sure that the Colombian criminal organizations do not
export their production and processing methods to other countries.
European assistance is key to ensuring not only that Colombias
ability to build a strong, peaceful country is enhanced, but also
that European countries will stand with us to achieve these mutual
goals.
I
appreciate this Committees strong commitment to our efforts
and look forward to exchanging views on how to carry these efforts
into the future. Let me close by offering you this assurance that
with or without additional support from Europe I will continue
to ensure that outstanding performance and positive results are
achieved in the U.S. assistance program to Colombia INL. We will
continue to make progress in combating illegal drug production
through partnerships with our foreign allies and with the many
federal agencies involved in these efforts. We are committed to
fight the scourge of narcotrafficking and narcoterrorism in our
hemisphere and welcome others who share this commitment to join
the fight. Full stop.
Thank
you.
As
of November 19, 2004, this document was also available online
at http://wwwc.house.gov/international_relations/108/cha111804.htm