Colombia’s Democratic Left

Is the Left poised for a comeback in Colombia?

Until recently, few even bothered to ask this question. President Alvaro Uribe, whose “democratic security” policy and pledges to “get tough” on terrorism have made him one of the region’s most popular leaders, is widely seen as unbeatable. Indeed, his approval ratings continue to hover around 70 percent.

Beneath a façade of popularity, however, there are signs that his hold on power may be weakening. In a May 27 article in Colombia’s El Espectador, CIP’s Adam Isacson argues that, ironically, security may actually become an obstacle to the president’s reelection hopes. The FARC guerrillas, after an apparent temporary “retreat,” seem to be growing more active and, according to most accounts, their underlying structure and leadership remain intact. Add to this a shortage of funding for security programs and the possibility that ongoing talks with paramilitaries will collapse, and the situation looks grim.

Admittedly, the probability that Uribe will actually lose the 2006 election is quite small, but the mere fact that the result is no longer inevitable should raise eyebrows. Moreover, it raises the question: in the event that Uribe is dethroned – or, if he is elected, after his second term in 2010 – who would take his place? Is there a viable political opposition that has sustainable electoral support?

At an April 19 conference sponsored by the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), Louis Goodman, Dean of American University’s School of International Service, discussed the significance of the “Democratic Left” in Colombia. This emerging sector, which encompasses a broad array of political parties, labor unions, and NGOs committed to protecting workers’ rights and combating poverty, presents an important alternative to the violent, revolutionary Marxism promoted by Colombia’s guerrillas. Two political parties in particular merit close attention.

Polo Democratico Independiente (PDI) http://www.polodemocratico.net/

The PDI, a progressive alliance formed in 2003, has had numerous electoral successes, foremost among them the October 2003 election of Luis “Lucho” Eduardo Garzón. Garzón, a former communist and labor leader, became the first left-wing mayor of Bogotá, a position which is widely considered the second most important in Colombian politics, after the president. Newsweek International had this to say about his election: “Garzón represents a democratic sea change in a nation where left-wing politicians have been stigmatized as friends of rural guerrillas waging a 40-year war for social change, and have been targeted for assassination by right-wing death squads.” Another rising star is Senator Antonio Navarro Wolf, a former member of the April 19^th Movement (M-19) guerrilla group and a founder, along with Garzón, of the PDI. Navarro, who was re-elected to a four-year senate term in 2002, has played key roles in peace negotiations with Colombian guerrillas and has a strong

commitment to economic justice, human rights, and a negotiated settlement to the country’s armed conflict. Lucho and Navarro are considered the frontrunners to represent the PDI in the upcoming presidential election.

Two other PDI members worth watching are Gustavo Petro and Angelino Garzón. Petro, whom colleagues consider the “mas destacado (most distinguished)” member of Congress, is the PDI’s chairman. Garzón, the governor of Valle de Cauca (a province that includes Cali), has been an active promoter of renewed talks with guerrillas.

Alternativa Democratica (AD) http://www.electorales.com/paises/co/partidos_politicos/index.asp?id=20012511

The AD is essentially an umbrella group comprising members of small left-wing parties (Frente Social y Político, Movimiento Obrero Independiente y Revolucionario [MOIR], Unidad Democrática, Movimiento Ciudadano, Partido Comunitario Opción 7) that are not part of the PDI. Though united in their opposition to the Uribe administration and their support for state intervention in the economy, the AD and PDI remain distinct groups that work together only rarely. In an interview with Semana (December 12, 2004), Senator Carlos Gaviria, the AD’s expected presidential candidate and a former judge on the constitutional court,said the main difference between the two is that the AD takes a stronger line against market-based economics. Besides this, however, the differences are small. Representative Wilson Borja (Frente Social), a former labor leader who was almost assassinated by paramilitaries and elements of the security forces,has harshly criticized President Uribe’s human rights record.

Implications

Regardless of who wins the election, the apparent reemergence of the Democratic Left is a healthy sign for Colombia’s much-maligned democracy. Allowing the Democratic Left to compete in free and fair elections – and, if its members win, to govern – sends a clear message to the FARC and other Marxist rebels that the traditional goals of the Left, social and economic justice, can be achieved without recourse to violence. Ultimately, this will serve as a greater boon to democracy than a continued war of attrition against the violent left.

--David Coddon