Speech
by Sen. James Jeffords (R-Vermont), June 22, 2000
Mr.
JEFFORDS. Mr. President, as Americans, we have two vital tasks in our relations
with Colombia. We are obligated to help a neighbor that is struggling to
build democracy and civil society, and it is in our best interest to assist
them in halting the flow of lethal narcotics from the Andean mountains of
Colombia to American communities. These are the two underlying grounds for
the Clinton Administration's `Plan Colombia,' a request for $1.07 billion
in emergency supplemental funds over the next two years to aid Colombia.
After a painful decade of
violence, the Colombian people have boldly elected an unassailable ally
of democracy and reconciliation, President Andres Pastrana, and they are
demanding an end to human rights abuses and impunity by both the paramilitaries
and the FARC guerillas. At the same time, the lawlessness and violence
of southern Colombia have permitted the narcotics dealers to widen their
cultivation and consolidate their delivery routes into the U.S. With the
remarkable success of U.S. Government anti-narcotics programs in Peru
and Bolivia, eighty percent of the heroin consumed in the U.S. is now
cultivated in Colombia. We have no choice now but to focus our anti-drug
efforts in Colombia.
While I realize that we must
bring pressure to bear on the drug cartels, my experience with Central
America in the 1980s leads me to be very skeptical about the utility of
the military response to social and political problems. I therefore have
been wary of the Administration's Plan Colombia. My chief concerns with
it have been the Colombian military campaign against narcotics cultivation,
and the abysmal human rights record of paramilitary groups that have frequently
been linked to the military forces. I am also concerned that we not get
dragged into a major, long-term counter-insurgency effort which is not
our fight.
In the end, though, I decided
to go along with the Administration's proposal as significantly improved
by the Senate Foreign Operations Subcommittee. The Subcommittee downsized
the scale of the Colombian military effort, and shifted the funding from
Blackhawk to Huey helicopters. Smaller and more agile, the Hueys are more
suited to fighting narcotics cultivation, while the Blackhawks are more
suited to counter-insurgency combat. The Subcommittee also increased the
bill's sizable human rights component, including new programs to bolster
the rule of law and fight corruption. The Subcommittee also shares my
concern for U.S. Government responsibility for this expensive anti-narcotics
effort by increased funding for end-use monitoring. Given the well-documented
human rights problems in Colombia, heightened monitoring is an extremely
important component of this program. Although we will be funding a military
effort, I note that U.S. military personnel are barred from any military
operation, and that the Leahy Amendment puts strict safeguards on the
activities of any U.S. funded partner, so that the human rights behavior
of the Colombian military will now be under a microscope.
An integral component of the
final legislation is sizable funding to encourage judicial reform, strengthen
the rule of law, and improve the quality of life for all Colombians. Without
greater social and income equality and greater respect for human rights,
all our efforts will fail. The military aid can only provide an opening
for those who are trying to build the foundation for civil society. By
electing President Pastrana, the Colombian people have indicated their
desire for a future free of drugs and violence. We must ensure that U.S.
assistance is instrumental in helping them achieve that goal.
Let's make no mistake. If
this bill becomes law, the U.S. will have made a major commitment to helping
Colombia eradicate the narco-business that plagues both it and us. We
are pledging to stand beside President Pastrana, an enlightened and popular
leader with a broad mandate to pursue this campaign, while he also resolutely
holds negotiations with entrenched but highly unpopular insurgents. I
think that, for his sake and ours, we must give him the tools and the
confidence to see this through.
As of June 25, 2000, this document
was also available online at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r106:S22JN0-125: