Speech
by Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minnesota), June 30, 2000
Mr. WELLSTONE. Mr. President,
I rise in strong opposition to the changes that were made to `Plan Colombia'
in the military construction conference report. As if this body did not
originally give enough to the military `Push into Southern Colombia' with
$250 million, this conference report increases that amount by $140 million,
to fund a 390 million dollar first-time offensive military action in southern
Colombia .
`Plan Colombia' has been added
to this conference report as an emergency supplemental. We are moving
it through this Congress quickly under the guise of a `drug emergency.'
But, if there is truly a drug emergency in this country, and I believe
there is, why are there no resources in this plan targeted to where they
will do the most good: providing funding for drug treatment programs at
home? And, honestly, if the purpose of this military aid is to stop the
supply of drugs, shouldn't some of that aid target the North as well?
Something strange and dishonest is going on here.
During our debate over `Plan
Colombia' I heard over and over again not only how much the Colombian
government needed this assistance, but also how urgently it had to have
it. I heard over and over again how if Colombia did not get this money
now all hope for democracy would be lost, not only in Colombia but also
for many other Latin and South American countries as well. This, my colleagues,
is a far cry from stopping the flow of drugs into the United States. This,
my colleagues, is choosing sides in a civil war that has raged for more
than thirty years. And I think the American people deserve to know this.
This massive increase in counternarcotics
aid for Colombia this year puts the U.S. at a crossroads--do we back a
major escalation in military aid to Colombia that may worsen a civil war
that has already raged for decades, or do we pursue a more effective policy
of stabilizing Colombia by promoting sustainable development, strengthening
civilian democratic institutions, and attacking the drug market by investing
in prevention and treatment at home? I see today that we have chosen the
former.
We are choosing to align ourselves
with a military that is known to have close contacts with paramilitary
organizations. Paramilitary groups operating with acquiescence or open
support of the military account for most of the political violence in
Colombia today. In its annual report for 1999, Human Rights Watch reports:
`in 1999 paramilitary were considered responsible for 78% of the total
number of human rights and international humanitarian law violations'
in Colombia . Our own 1999 State Department Country Reports on Human Rights
notes that `at times the security forces collaborated with paramilitary
groups that committed abuses.'
We should support Colombia
during this crisis. Being tough on drugs is important, but we need to
be smart about the tactics we employ. This conference report decreases
by $29 million the aid this Chamber gave to support alternative development
programs in Colombia . It cuts by $21 million support for human rights
and judicial reform. It also cuts support for interdiction by $3.1 million.
Yet, it increases by $140 million funding for the military `Push into
Southern Colombia .' What are we doing here? Guns never have and never
will solve Colombia's ills, nor will they address our drug problem here
in the United States.
I reiterate how unbalanced
`Plan Colombia' is in this conference report. It cuts the good and increases
the bad. A more sensible approach would have been to permit extensive
assistance to Colombia in the form of promoting sustainable development
and strengthening civilian democratic institutions. This would have safeguarded
U.S. interests in avoiding entanglement in a decades-old civil conflict,
and partnership with an army implicated in severe human rights abuses.
Instead, we are funding a military offensive into southern Colombia and
denying resources where they would be the most effective: drug treatment
programs at home. I am appalled at this strategy.
As of July 18, 2000, this
document was also available online at http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r106:S30JN0-436: