Remarks by Lino Gutierrez, acting assistant secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, December 17, 2001

Remarks by Lino Gutierrez, acting assistant secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, December 17, 2001
U.S. Policy in the Western Hemisphere

Ambassador Lino Gutierrez, Acting Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs
U.S. Department of State

Remarks to the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops

Washington, D.C.

December 17, 2001

Good morning. Thank you for inviting me to join you at your biannual meeting. Before I discuss with you U.S. policy toward Latin America, I want to comment briefly on the impact of the events of September 11 in this hemisphere. Although the fundamentals of U.S. policy in the region remain constant, September 11 has altered the context in which we operate.

On September 11, I was in Peru with Secretary of State Powell to attend the signing of the Organization of American States (OAS) Democratic Charter and the following day we were scheduled to be in Colombia. On the morning of the 11th, we were having breakfast with the new President of Peru, Alejandro Toledo. It had been a pleasant meeting -- the agenda with Peru's new democratic government was rich and far-ranging. And then, the Secretary was handed the first of several notes by his staff. Our lives would not be the same. As Secretary Powell said, "We are in this worldwide campaign together for the long haul. We have endured an enormous tragedy but we will overcome. We will defend the rule of law against the lawless. We will not allow murderers to destroy our democracies and devastate our economies. We will never let our future be hijacked by terrorists."

After September 11th, the response of the entire hemisphere was immediate, strong, and supportive. Prime Minister Ingraham of the Bahamas summed up the feelings of many at a Caribbean Community and Caribbean Common Market (CARICOM) meeting by saying, "Contrary to the pronouncements of the missionaries of death who promote such barbaric acts among their young while themselves ensconced -- without risk -- in safe havens, terrorism will bring them neither victory nor glory; rather, indelibly, they will forever be known and remembered as purveyors of death, destruction, and evil." We have received messages of support, condolence, and condemnation of the attacks from heads of state, foreign ministries, legislatures, and leaders of civil society throughout the hemisphere and around the world.

The Organization of American States acted immediately, convening a Foreign Ministers' meeting just days after the attack. At the same time, the foreign ministers of the states parties to the Rio Treaty, led by Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, invoked the collective security arrangements of that hemispheric pact. The OAS has also convoked the hemisphere's counterterrorism apparatus and is developing a new hemispheric counterterrorism treaty. The nations of the hemisphere have offered military support, humanitarian assistance, and collaboration on diplomatic and security initiatives. The support has been broad-based and unwavering, with the usual exception of Cuba, whose Foreign Minister, in his November speech to the United Nations, levied the outrageous calumny that the U.S. and its allies were "targeting Afghan babies and Red Cross facilities," and some comments by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez that raised concerns. Many of our neighbors have provided this support while simultaneously dealing with their own sorrow as a result of the attack. More than 300 nationals from 30 Western Hemisphere countries were lost in the attack, El Salvador and the Dominican Republic suffering almost half of those casualties.

The September terrorist attacks have weakened prospects for economic growth and the business climate throughout the hemisphere. As our domestic economy was affected, so were the economies of our neighbors. Countries with strong trade and tourism links to the U.S., such as Canada, Mexico, [and those in] Central America and the Caribbean, are particularly vulnerable to economic fallout from the attacks. The World Bank says the Caribbean has been the most severely affected part of the world -- primarily via the drop in tourism -- after Afghanistan's immediate neighbors. The Bank predicts a 25 percent drop in tourism earnings in 2002, as consumers defer spending or fear to travel. Lower capital flows, due to higher investor risk aversion, will affect a number of countries. Andean countries will also see weaker growth. The high degree of uncertainty involved in the war on terrorism and the path of global recovery could harm the business climate throughout the hemisphere, reduce investment and other capital flows, and affect business prospects. Of course, with economic difficulties come other problems. Economic difficulties always threaten to exacerbate social, political, and security problems.

Terrorism itself is an issue in the Western Hemisphere. Designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations are operating in the hemisphere, most notably in Colombia, Peru, and the tri-border region of Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil. Terrorist-support networks operating in the latter area have connections to the Middle East and are suspected of executing and/or supporting terrorist attacks, such as the bombings at the Israeli Embassy and Jewish Community Center in Argentina that killed over 100 innocent people in the early 1990s. We also suspect that cells in the region are involved in financing terrorist organizations in the Middle East. In Colombia, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) continue to murder and kidnap civilians, attack the country's economic infrastructure, and fuel political violence. Elsewhere, there are concerns about terrorists with international ties abusing the Caribbean financial system to raise funds or launder money.

Now, more than ever before, the countries of the hemisphere recognize we have a common interest in confronting terrorism and governments are coming together to devise responses, rethink positions, and fix problems. In response to the attacks, the United States government and its allies have developed a four-part approach to address these threats.

First, we have asked all countries to ratify the 12 international counterterrorism treaties. Since the crisis began, many countries have moved immediately to become parties to those to which they had not already acceded. These treaties allow international cooperation to work smoothly, enabling the exercise of universal jurisdiction over terrorists. This is an important step to securing the hemisphere collectively, empowering each country to help stabilize the whole. The Organization of American States, through the Inter-American Counterterrorism Committee, is using the treaties to develop a hemispheric security program that will institutionalize the collaborative structure being created.

Second, we are working with the nations of the hemisphere to ensure the identification and seizure of the financial assets of terrorism. All of the democratic nations of the region moved quickly to review financial records. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) is assisting in the passage of anti-money laundering legislation in all countries. Through FATF, Mexico, Canada, France, the Netherlands, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States assist nations in improving their capacity to prevent the laundering of the proceeds of criminal activity. Many nations have created or are now creating financial intelligence units, some with the assistance of the United States. Many nations of the hemisphere, together with others around the world, are members of the Egmont Group, which works to create a global network of Financial Intelligence Units to facilitate international cooperation, in part through a secure Internet web site. The places where terrorists can hide their assets are rapidly dwindling.

Third, we are working with countries to ensure that terrorism is criminalized in all its forms. United States law enforcement and other agencies are developing technical assistance to governments working on such laws. Together with the universal jurisdiction created by the treaties, this strips away the much of the appeal of using the Caribbean or Central America as a pipeline. The terrorists and their abettors will soon learn that there is nowhere to hide -- wherever their attack was a crime, they can be tried or extradited, and it will soon be a crime to be a terrorist, conspire with a terrorist, or help a terrorist in every corner of the globe.

Last, and perhaps most importantly, we are working to improve border controls. This is in all our interests. The Federal Aviation Administration has suggested ways to improve airline security and airlines throughout the hemisphere are complying with those guidelines. The Immigration and Naturalization Service provides training to immigration and airline personnel around the region to increase airport security and border integrity, as well as to establish ties to enable international cooperation on immigration issues. This also helps reduce corruption. Secure, machine-readable passports together with computerization of immigration systems would also have an enormous impact on migrant flows and this is an area that requires greater attention and resources. Many nations are reconsidering the merits of economic citizenship. Information sharing is rapidly on the rise.

Meanwhile, we have not abandoned our hemispheric agenda. Now, more than ever, it must continue. Our approach to the hemisphere continues to be based on three critical pillars, each reinforcing the others. One pillar is to encourage sustainable development, including increasing free trade and economic stability. Second, we seek to strengthen democratization and rule of law, including human rights and education. Over 40 percent of our assistance funding for the region goes to support democracy programs. Third, we want to promote hemispheric security, including combating terrorism and an aggressive but balanced counternarcotics program. President Bush has a deep understanding of and interest in this region and has voiced his intention to work with our hemisphere partners to create a "Century of the Americas."

Despite the attention rightly placed on events in Afghanistan, we are actively advancing our Western Hemisphere agenda. With Mexico, we remain committed to close cooperation on a host of bilateral issues, including migration. In the Andean nations, our proposed 2002 assistance package contains funding for an Andean Regional Initiative to continue strong counternarcotics activities while promoting economic development and improved public institutions. Addressing the problem of poverty in Central America remains a major concern; in the Caribbean, we envision reinvigorated engagement through our Third Border Initiative.

In particular, I want to emphasize our continued commitment to freer trade and economic growth. As U.S. Trade Representative Bob Zoellick put it, "Earlier enemies learned that America is the arsenal of democracy; today's enemies will learn that America is the economic engine for freedom, opportunity and development." The ultimate goal is the Free Trade Area of the Americas, which has the potential for dramatically increasing trade flows among the countries of the Americas within a decade. All 34 democratic leaders of this hemisphere remain committed to free trade, which was reaffirmed at the Quebec Summit of the Americas in April. The President recognizes that the economic integration of the hemisphere is an important element to the United States' future prosperity and the well-being of the hemisphere. Trade Promotion Authority (TPA) remains a critical step if we are to make good on the commitment made by President Bush and the hemisphere's leaders at the Quebec Summit to move the timetable for the Free Trade Area of the Americas up to 2005. We were pleased that the House overcame one of the hurdles for TPA with its passage earlier this month.

I want to address the situations in three countries that I know concern you -- Venezuela, Cuba and Colombia. In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, our historically strong relationship with Venezuela has experienced difficulties. President Chavez's October 29 criticisms of the U.S. and the coalition military response to international terrorism caused serious strains in our bilateral relationship. In response to Chavez's remarks, we asked our Ambassador to Venezuela to return to Washington for consultations. In the wake of those consultations, it was decided to continue with our policy of engagement with Venezuela whereby we measure the state of our relations by deeds, not words. However, should Venezuelan officials mischaracterize U.S. policy or actions, the U.S. will respond.

Measuring Venezuela by its deeds and not Chavez's words, it should be noted that the U.S. has been generally satisfied by cooperation offered by Venezuela in its support for the war on terrorism. For example, Venezuela has promised to surge its oil production in the event of an energy supply disruption. The Venezuelan Superintendent of Banks has provided excellent assistance searching for possible terrorist assets, and the investigative support provided by Venezuelan law enforcement and security services has been well received. These successes demonstrate that there are practical areas in which we can cooperate in the war on terrorism.

The Catholic Church has an important role to play in Venezuela. In the wake of the December 10 general work stoppage, it will be important for institutions such as the Church to remain engaged. The Church contributes by urging moderation and dialogue, and, as one of the most respected institutions in Venezuela, has considerable influence -- the Church's moral voice resonates clearly in Venezuela.

The human rights organizations of the Catholic Church have been important monitors of Venezuela's human rights situation. Overall, though human rights difficulties such as deplorable prison conditions and excessive use of force by security forces persist, Venezuela has a generally good human rights record. There are, however, growing concerns about threats against freedom of expression and of the press and undue pressure on organized labor. We appreciate the efforts of these Catholic human rights observers in closely monitoring developments.

In the case of Cuba, Cuban government intransigence and refusal to abide by its commitments mean that the expectations raised by the Pope's historic 1998 visit to Cuba have not been met. In a remarkable indictment of Cuban government control, Cuba continues to have an "Office of Religious Affairs" to approve any church activity. That office has prohibited dioceses from taking basic steps to meet pastoral obligations, such as expanding and repairing church facilities, setting up programs to minister to the poor and elderly, training new clergy and bringing foreign clergy onto the island.

Even more disturbing is the existence of a document prepared by the Havana Communist Party earlier this year suggesting ways that the Party should counter "illicit [Church] activities." Cardinal Ortega publicly referred to this document as "anti-religious" and a throwback to the pre-1992 constitution, before religious activities were recognized by the Communist state.

Despite this environment, the Catholic Church remains the most powerful and influential non-governmental civil society organization on the island. The Church and Caritas devote great efforts to meeting the needs of the Cuban people. Led by Cardinal Ortega, the Cuban Catholic Church has been an outspoken force for truth and morality on an island with a notable need for both. Other bishops, especially Bishop González of Pinar del Rio, Archbishop Meurice of Santiago, and Archbishop Rodriguez of Camaguey, have demonstrated their special commitment to protecting their flocks in the face of government repression. Our policy is to encourage a rapid transition to democracy in Cuba, characterized by strong support for human rights and open markets. The Church will play an important role in any transition.

In the meantime, Cuba is dealing with the aftermath of Hurricane Michelle, a category-four storm that hit the island in early November. Immediately afterwards, the United States offered to send a team from the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance to assess the damages and make a determination about the need for International Disaster Assistance. We made this offer to Cuba, as well as to all the other Caribbean nations affected by the hurricane. Cuba rejected the offer, explaining that it had passed through the relief phase of the crisis, and was moving on to reconstruction. Cuba noted its desire to purchase food and medicine to restock supplies run down in the crisis. Since such sales are permitted by law (medicine sales since 1992, food sales since last year), the U.S. government's role has been to ensure that all applicable laws and regulations are adhered to.

We do not know how much food and medicine Cuba will ultimately purchase from U.S. sources. We do know that Cuba's decision appears to be political in nature, and not based on humanitarian need. Indeed, Cuban officials from Castro down had loudly proclaimed Cuba's unwillingness to buy even a single grain of rice from the United States until U.S. financing was available for these purchases.

But perhaps the area of greatest hemispheric concern for us is Colombia. Colombia has a 40-year-old insurgency, with groups that fund themselves from drug trafficking, kidnapping, and other types of extortion. Colombia has more than 3,000 reported kidnappings a year and 4,000 lives lost annually to political violence.

The conflict continues to generate a huge number of serious human rights violations including massacres and torture. Most human rights abuses in Colombia are committed by illegal armed groups. The United States is deeply concerned about reports of collusion between the Colombian military and right-wing paramilitary forces. We have consistently pushed President Pastrana's government to sever any links, including disciplining officers suspected of such ties and allowing them to be subject to civilian prosecution. The High Command understands the need to break any links, but some collusion continues at lower levels. Still, the military has dismissed almost 700 members over the last 2 years, many for human rights violations.

President Pastrana launched peace efforts with two of Colombia's three armed groups in 1998. The United States, with President Pastrana, has sought support for comprehensive efforts to address Colombia's deeply rooted problems. His policy, Plan Colombia, is focused on helping the Colombian people combat the illicit drug trade, strengthen democratic institutions and protection of human rights, and foster socio-economic development. Our assistance supports all aspects of Plan Colombia.

We recognize that negotiations are the only way to end internal conflict in Colombia, but have left management of the peace process to President Pastrana. We do not engage in talks with illegal armed groups since the FARC killed three U.S.-citizen indigenous rights activists in March 1999. As I noted earlier, we have designated all three groups -- the FARC, ELN and AUC -- as Foreign Terrorist Organizations under U.S. law.

U.S. assistance under Plan Colombia was approved in July 2000 and provided $938 million for Colombia and $382 for the region. The assistance to Colombia included $710 million for counternarcotics activities and $228 million for institutional development and human rights, alternative development programs and displaced persons, and administration of justice reforms. The next stage in this process, the Andean Regional Initiative, includes $625 million to sustain Plan Colombia programs and assist Colombia's neighbors, of which 50 percent will go to alternative development and justice programs.

On September 11th, after receiving the terrible news from New York and Washington, Secretary Powell knew he had to cut his trip to the region short and return home. But before leaving Lima, he made it a point to stay for the opening of the OAS special session. In addressing the delegates, after accepting their condolences, the Secretary urged that the OAS Democracy Charter be adopted by acclamation, which it was. There could have been no more powerful message about the importance of democracy to the hemisphere.

The greatest enemies of terrorism, organized crime, and political violence and repression are democracy, functioning justice systems, and economic stability -- these are the best means to defeat terrorists, criminals, and every other threat we face. We continue on our path to a hemisphere that is free, prosperous, and peaceful. Not even the attacks of September 11th can turn us from that goal. Thank you.

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