|
| Home |
|
|
Analyses |
|
|
Aid |
|
|
|
|
|
|
News |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Last
Updated:2/22/01
|
|
Peace on the Table - AUC
Peace
on the Table AUTODEFENSAS UNIDAS DE COLOMBIA (UNITED SELF-DEFENSE GROUPS OF COLOMBIA) I. PROPOSALS FOR THE NEGOTIATED POLITICAL SETTLEMENT OF THE INTERNAL
ARMED CONFLICT II. ELEMENTS FOR A NEGOTIATION AGENDA AUTODEFENSAS
UNIDAS DE COLOMBIA - AUC The following is the text sent by Carlos Castaño on April 13, 1998 addressed to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the National Reconciliation Commission and CAMBIO 16 magazine, for the purpose of including it in this offprint. I. PROPOSALS FOR THE NEGOTIATED POLITICAL SETTLEMENT OF THE INTERNAL ARMED CONFLICT A. Present Vision of the Conflict The guerrilla group military expansionism in the last decade is due to the application of the strategy of enlarging, consolidating and controlling the local power structures, thus aiming at the fragmentation and total control of the State through the applications of the theory of progressive building of local power. Keeping this goal in mind, the guerrilla groups, pretending to be fighting for the people's social and economic claims, have provoked the cruel shedding of innocent blood, have initiated an ominous terrorist wave against the country's production infrastructure, and have given rise to a generalized climate of violence. This climate is exacerbated by their practices -both new and traditional- of money collection through criminal actions. Some of these are kidnapping, associating their actions with the drug-trafficking business, and taking a percentage of the municipal and departmental contracts through blackmail and intimidation of governors and mayors. Another action is their highly profitable activity of harassment and racketeering of companies that have contracts with Ecopetrol, the State oil company, or that are in charge of the repair or substitution of Ecopetrol's equipment and installations or those that recover zones affected by terrorist acts. Additional criminal actions involve the extortion of farming, cattle, mining, industrial, and commercial sectors, hold-ups and pillages to public property and banking institutions. And still other criminal actions include terrorist attacks on villages, their enormously profitable financing transactions in domestic and foreign banks, and the yield of their millions in assets, among others. All of these resources, mostly from the people's exiguous budget, have made the armed insurgency an economic empire and the war their leaders have declared has become an excellent business. Seeing that the people's life, liberty and property are menaced, and that due to the State's ineffectiveness and inefficiency they have been abandoned to their fate, the people have granted legitimate representation to a new political actor that could recover the right to self-defense from an incompetent State and could demand of said State the fulfillment of its constitutional obligation to provide for the Nation's economic and social well-being, as the only means to guarantee peace, justice and equity. Due to the insurgents' violation of the right to peace, the State's systematic, irresponsible breach of the right that the population has to economic and social well-being, and given the people's representation and delegation within our armed organization, the Self-defense Movement of Colombia is granted indisputable political and military legitimacy. The United Self-defense Groups of Colombia conforms a National resistance armed organization born as a result of the political, economic, social and cultural contradictions of the Colombian society. These contradictions have progressively worsened due to the State's negligent conduct regarding its compliance to constitutional laws requiring it to safeguard life, social order, the citizens' peace, the Nation's economic, cultural and ecological heritage, social and economic justice, democratic participation, and public security, to name a few. These factors have given rise to armed manifestations for whose appearance the very State alone is to be blamed. Due to the serious actions and omissions of the State, coupled with the guerrilla groups' goal to impose - by means of a confusing, bloody, undiscriminating criminal conduct - a model of an alleged social State, our organization has gained strong political character in the context of the present armed confrontation. Indeed, on the one hand, we demand that the State remove the objective causes that worsen the conflict, and on the other hand, we reject the guerrilla groups' implementation of offensive violence as the only mechanism to foster the political, economic and social reforms that all Colombians demand from the State. The guerrilla groups act politically aiming at substituting or destroying partially or totally the State. The Self-defense Groups, based on opposed political beliefs, reject the violent imposition of the guerrillas' project and take up arms against the enemy, substituting the gaps and inconsistencies of the State that has failed to comply to its constitutional obligation to safeguard the order, and the citizens' well-being, peace and security menaced by the guerrilla groups. Militarily and politically, we fight the insurgency to defend life, liberty and property; politically, we fight the State to demand efficiency, integrity, assistance and strict fulfillment of the mandate delegated to said State by the people. There is no doubt that the objective causes of the armed confrontation that each actor argues originate within the State itself. The State's disregard for the political, socioeconomic and cultural spheres, as well as the lack of protection for life, liberty and property are issues that both sides discuss and that they cry out to be solved; they confirm the thesis of the unequal presence of the State's structure throughout the National territory. It is, thus, the Colombian State's obligation to integrate all its sectors in order to give continuity to its reforming action so as to reaffirm the State as a territorial, historical entity capable of overcoming the objective causes of the conflict and, in doing so, to de-legitimize the offensive and defensive armed struggle. It is necessary for the State to guarantee its institutional presence by safeguarding order, imposing its authority, granting social and economic justice, fostering education, and occupying the spaces taken forcefully by the political armed actors. The Self-defense Movement does not justify its presence in the conflict through the sole existence of the enemy that it opposes, by taking up arms. If that were so, the settlement of the conflict would rather be of a military nature. In our capacity as valid actors in the present conflict, our action also covers the political confrontation with the State due to its negligent conduct regarding the discharge of its delegated responsibilities and duties. We share the view of the uselessness of a counterinsurgency action that, upon physically eliminating the opposing side, ignores the causes that give rise to the guerrillas' presence and constant renewal in the theater of war. These indisputable arguments lead us to seek a negotiated political settlement within the framework of the institutions that allows the parties to approach each other and that explains their differences, concurrence and agreements to the country. It is imperative and urgent to seek civilized ways out of the conflict, in order to put an end to the increasing costs of a war whose devastation and cruelty are tantamount today to an act of historic irresponsibility regarding our Fatherland. The National dilemma is clear and peremptory: either we progress towards PEACE through a negotiated settlement or Colombia shall definitely hurtle down into the abyss of a war of incalculable proportions. Accordingly, the United Self-defense Groups of Colombia, and on its behalf and representation the Autodefensas Campesinas de Córdoba y Urabá -ACCU- (Cordoba and Uraba Peasant Self-defense Groups) express our peaceful and peace-seeking vocation, in our capacity as representatives of the National large majorities and without detriment to the dignity that we shall maintain until the last guerrilla rifle stops shooting people. The United Self-defense Groups of Colombia -AUC- reiterate that the military solution to the present armed conflict prolongs the state of war unless, at the same time, the causes that gave rise to it are combated. In the context of the present civil confrontation, our political-military organization indeed identifies the armed insurgency phenomenon as a highly determining factor of war; however, we also acknowledge the concurrence of other factors contributing to intensifying the conflict and, even worse, disintegrating National unity. As a matter of fact, the enormous tax evasion in detriment of the Public Treasury, the State agents' systematic lack of respect for social development programs, and the constant frauds in the administration of public businesses and contracts are only a few of the manifestations of the corruption that impairs the Nation; just as much as, if not more than, the manifestations of violence in the political armed conflict. It is no longer possible to adopt a passive attitude regarding such aggressions and challenges. A negotiated political settlement shall and must eradicate corruption from National life, since corruption is a substantial generator of violence. We reaffirm our position of seeking the transformation of the State within the institutional framework, by implementing the necessary reforms in the Constitution that shall allow for political, economic and social progress without breaking our Nation's fundamental principles. This process necessarily implies the presence of the Nation's living forces and, needless to say, that of the armed conflict actors. Considering that a negotiated settlement is the civilized and least costly way to attain PEACE, this must be understood within the following parameters:
The negotiation process expressed in the above-mentioned terms unmistakably shows our firm intention to seek a peaceful settlement of the conflict as the most convenient option. 1. The Civilian Population and IHL during the Armed Conflict The low-intensity war model and the irregular nature of such war imply the development of a military confrontation conceived within a context of permanent movement that demands permanent logistic support. This support - in the mountains or in the jungle - facilitates protecting the lines of communication, ensuring supplies (food, medicine, personal items, footwear, etc.), infiltrating enemy zones, carrying out political campaigns, recruiting forces, collecting extortion taxes, covering up war actions, fostering forced displacements of persons, gathering information, harboring fugitives, hiding weapons and war equipment, etc. All these activities, carried out by noncombatant personnel sheltered in the towns and camouflaged as civilians, are of vital importance to the survival and permanence of an armed Party in a region. Taking into consideration the above-mentioned facts, we must necessarily conclude that the civilian population is trapped in the war theater of operations. As a matter of fact, a large sector of the paramilitary members of the guerrilla groups (assistants, disguised political activists, informers, couriers, revolutionary tax collectors, extortionists, carriers, brokers, political commissioners, those who harbor criminals, etc.) are camouflaged among the community, alternating apparently "civilian" tasks and logistic or military support actions. We believe that, as a fundamental progress in the humanization of war, as a gesture of intention of peace and as an expression of respect for International Humanitarian Law, it is necessary to exclude the civilian population from the armed conflict. Accordingly, in agreement and simultaneously with the guerrilla movement, the Self-defense Movement would be willing to redefine the strategies and tactics of war for the purpose of reciprocally aiming at not involving the civilian population in activities directly or indirectly related to the armed conflict. We reaffirm our conviction of respect for the democratic leftist political expressions, their agreements and coalitions with and their supports to any of the traditional political sectors. 2. Proposal for a Regional Humanitarian Code The United Self-defense Movement of Colombia, and on its behalf and representation the Cordoba and Uraba Peasant Self-defense Groups, proposes to the Parties to the conflict, the discussion and joint approval of a local code for the humanization of war that consults Protocol II Additional to the Geneva Conventions and adapts it to the current armed confrontation regarding the following aspects:
II. ESSENTIAL TOPICS FOR A NEGOTIATION AGENDA "I dream of a country enjoying liberty of speech, free participative democracy, a country where minority parties have room for action, where respect and National union exist, where one can express one's thoughts without being killed, where one can work and the free right to private property is respected, where wealth is distributed equitably, where the existing enormous corruption can be eradicated. [...] Minority parties have no alternatives here; in Colombia, it is said that we can live democratically, but I believe that we have not gotten rid of the two-party dictatorship; we have to give many more guarantees to those minority groups so that they may assume certain responsibility for their country". (Interview with General Commander Carlos Castaño. "Cambio 16 Colombia" magazine). In our capacity as political actors representing large social sectors, the United Self-defense Movement of Colombia, and on its behalf and representation the Cordoba and Uraba Peasant Self-defense Groups, shall submit to the country a platform of political, economic and social proposals which shall be confronted in the ample National debate for peace. From that document we extract here some very general aspects regarding subject matters for a negotiation agenda. A. Democracy and Political Reform This country requires a political reform modifying the exercise of power and, furthermore, allowing for the participation of sectors that have long been excluded from the great decisions on State management. We cannot postpone the eradication of corruption any longer. This must become a priority point of departure towards the construction of a common front against the common practice of presenting luring promises instead of ideologies and programs. These practices are eroding the base on which the State was built. It is urgent to present clear proposals to rebuild the State before we reach the point of no return. The scope of political initiatives must include among others: the modernization of democracy, of the civil service carrier and the political parties, of the National Civil Status and Voting Registry; election campaign financing; voting on programs; re-definition and enlargement of the election process regarding mandate repeal; disqualification, incompatibility and prohibition regime; technical updating of the election process; guarantee regime; National constituency; and reform of the State Control Agencies. It is necessary to progress in the construction of a new National development project based on strong State intervention, able to impose a re-distribution of the economic aggregate profit under the principles of equity and social justice. We defend a new economic model inspired in this philosophy. The current economic model has increased existing inequity levels and given rise to the appearance of new conflicts involving the poor segments of the population and producers unable to compete in international markets. Investment in the agricultural, cattle breeding and industry sectors has markedly dropped; the production apparatus has been stricken by the deregulation in importation; the rate of unemployment has soared as a result of hundreds of industrial and commercial companies going bankrupt or entering into concordat. As a consequence of this, the stability of employment has been affected and salaries have dropped. The policy to privatize State goods and services companies, aimed at providing the Government with desperately needed resources, is a way to calm its growing fiscal deficit. But, on the other hand, the result of this policy is the concentration of wealth in a few industrial and financial monopolies which are the only ones with the capacity and influence to acquire the States assets - at least the Government believes they are -. We consider it essential to review and re-direct the economy so as to identify the levels and types of State intervention needed based on our own realities. In the adoption of the neoliberal model, some aspects such as generalized poverty, degree of development of production forces by sectors, incipient technology, the scarcity of available capital and its costly financing, the existing social conflict, and the expectations and goals of the social and political actors were not at all taken into consideration, and the present results cannot be more despairing. C. Public Force in a Constitution-abiding Social State The following summary contains the elements that we believe should be considered when reviewing and discussing the issue of the involvement of the Public Force in a constitution-abiding Social State, in the post-conflict period:
The process of agrarian reform in this country has been reduced to a simple, limited program of promotion for the agriculture and livestock sector. Little has been done in Colombia to seek a definite solution to the agrarian problem. In the last four decades or so, the new laws have been unable to constitute a real reform of a socioeconomic magnitude proportionate to the centuries-long injustice that the Colombian agriculture and livestock sector has undergone. 1961 Act 135, which inaugurates the shy attempt to legislate an agrarian reform in the second half of the present century, was described by the experts as a "real estate exchange market" which provided enormous profit for many large landed estate owners who sold to the Instituto Colombiano de la Reforma Agraria -INCORA- (Colombian Agrarian Reform Institute) bad quality lots and properties at prices based on multi-million peso appraisals, completely overblown from the real property value. Additionally, INCORA acquired many estates completely unfit for agriculture due to adulterated soil studies and paid for areas far larger than those really acquired. Our proposals regarding a new, fair agrarian regime are based on the following criteria:
E. Spatial Planning and Decentralization This important issue constitutes one of the cornerstones of the State's modernization process provided for by the 1991 Constitution drafters. The establishment and strengthening of the regional and sub-regional Territorial Entities resulting from the decentralization process has given rise to a new institutional order respecting this country's regional particularities. By virtue of this new reality, it is possible to more efficiently attain a focus of interests and purposes among the various social and political actors, influence the conflict causes and effects, and eliminate the existing system of power relations which has allowed for nepotism, corruption, and the constant reproduction of the traditional political class. The large migrations caused mainly by poverty and violence have prompted uncontrolled growth in our cities, at odds with a planned, controlled urban development process. This has led to an explosive situation characterized by poverty-stricken slums, social inequality, unsatisfied basic needs, overcrowding, non-formal economy, insecurity, unfairness, marginality and invasion of public space. Our basic proposals and assertions are aimed basically at adopting a total urban policy implementing programs for construction and modernization of social housing, recovering public spaces, urban housing subdivision, not crowding the urban landscape, installation of essential public utility, preservation of the environment, expropriation of unused or under-used lots, land use and destination. G. Environment and Sustainable Development Despite the recent creation of the Ministry of the Environment, and the large number of laws on the matter, the results obtained are extremely meager. Putting an end to the accelerated pace of environmental degradation and the systematic extinction of water resources is a primordial, immediate must. The new model of development shall include clear policies regarding prevention, protection, conservation, restoration, compensation and repression. Sustainable development shall be considered a macro-objective defining concepts such as wealth and profitability within a framework of rational exploitation and conservation of natural resources. H. Hydrocarbons and the Oil Policy The struggle for defining oil property -which, pursuant to the Constitution, belongs to the Nation- and the controversies resulting from prospecting and exploitation policies have in the past few years led to a strong confrontation essentially expressed through trade-union uprising and a wave of ELN guerrilla faction attacks. Our proposals concerning the oil policy - which we believe is a factor for future peace - are contained in and broadly sustained through our proposals for a negotiation agenda which, in turn, is based on the following issues:
We consider it an immediate and highly enriching endeavor to open a large National debate on oil and oil policy. Said debate shall allow for eradicating the use of oil as a weapon of war. We propose summoning a National forum, involving State institutions, the presence of professional associations, trade unions, the organized civilian society, and, needless to say, the armed actors, aiming at:
|
|
|
| Asia |
|
|
Colombia |
|
|
|
|
Financial Flows |
|
|
National Security |
|
|
|
Center
for International Policy |