Posted
March 31 2006
Keeping
gross violators off new council
By Wayne S. Smith
On March 15, the United Nations General Assembly, by an overwhelming
vote of 170-4, approved the creation of a new Human Rights Council,
to replace the old, discredited Human Rights Commission. The U.S.
was one of four members to vote against (along with Israel, the
Marshall Islands and Palau).
Why
was the U.S. opposed? Our representative to the U.N., John Bolton,
explained that the U.S. felt the proposed criteria to keep gross
abusers off the new council were simply not strong enough. Among
other things, he said, members should be elected by a two-thirds
majority, rather than the simple majority called for by the new
proposal. What was needed, he said, was a council that ensured
doing "all we could do" to promote human rights. "There
should be no place on the new council for countries where there
is objective evidence of systematic and gross violations of human
rights, or where United Nations sanctions have been applied for
human rights violations," Bolton declared.
I'm
sure we'd all agree with that statement. If the new council is
to have credibility, it must not have gross violators among its
members, and not among its founding members.
But
where then does that leave the United States? After the flood
of well-documented reports in major U.S. dailies and journals
of the widespread torture and even murder of prisoners at Abu
Ghraib, Bagram and Guantanamo over a period of years, must not
the U.S. itself now be considered a gross violator?
So
far, the Bush administration has responded to these myriad charges
only with the usual unconvincing denials. "We don't torture
people," it says, even in the face of massive evidence that
it does exactly that.
And,
incredibly, as though to confirm that it is engaged in such practices,
in March, government lawyers insisted that Sen. John McCain's
amendment to ban cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment of detainees
did not apply to those held at Guantanamo!
Oh?!
So are the government lawyers saying that cruel, inhumane and
degrading treatment of detainees at Guantanamo is OK and should
continue at Guantanamo? If not, why insist that the McCain amendment
doesn't apply there?
And
now there is even a U.N. report calling for the closing of Guantanamo
because of the gross abuses there -- a call seconded by the European
Parliament, by many governments around the world, by the Vatican,
by our own Council of Churches, and by various human rights organizations.
The U.N. has called on us to close Guantanamo. The Bush administration,
in effect, stands in defiance of that admonition.
In
light of all this, how could the United States possibly be accepted
as a founding member of the new Human Rights Council? Its membership
could only undermine the credibility of the new council. It would
signal that even with the new council, hypocrisy is to remain
the modus operandi.
For
an American, it is difficult and painful to say the United States
should be excluded from the Human Rights Council. After all, we
had a long and proud record of promoting and defending human rights
-- until the Bush administration. But now we need to face reality
and insist upon a return to that tradition.
Here,
I am in total sympathy with Joseph W. DuRocher of Orlando, a former
helicopter pilot in the U.S. Navy, who recently sent his wings
and shoulder boards to President Bush. "Until your administration,"
he wrote in a letter on www.truthout.org, "I thought it impossible
for our nation to take hundreds of persons into custody without
provable charges of any kind, and to `disappear' them into holes
like Gitmo, Abu Ghraib and Bagram … I do not want these
things done in my name … [T]o remain silent is to let you
think I appove or support your actions. I do not. I am saddened
to give up my wings and bars … But I hate the torture and
death you have caused more than I value their symbolism. Giving
them up makes me cry for my beloved country."
Amen.
Wayne
S. Smith, a Marine veteran of the Korean War and former U.S. diplomat,
is a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy in Washington,
D.C.