July
17, 2006
U.S.-Cuba
Relations
Author:
Stephanie Hanson, Copy Editor
Council
on Foreign Relations
* Introduction
* What is the status of U.S.-Cuba relations?
* What is U.S. public opinion on the isolation of Cuba?
* What is the likelihood that the United States and Cuba will
resume diplomatic relations?
* What is the main irritant in U.S.-Cuban relations?
* What are the issues preventing normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations?
* What is CAFA?
* What are the provisions of CAFA’s recent report?
* Has Fidel Castro named his successor?
* What is keeping Cuba on the State Sponsors of Terrorism list?
* What is the status of Cuba’s economy?
* How does Venezuela assist Cuba?
Introduction
Cuba
has been at odds with the United States since Fidel Castro assumed
power in 1959. Successive U.S. administrations have tried a range
of tough measures, including prolonged economic sanctions and
designation of Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism, none of which
have substantially weakened Castro's rule. With Castro nearing
his eightieth birthday, the United States is preparing for a post-Castro
Cuba with an $80 million fund to promote democracy on the island.
Cuban officials have criticized the plan as yet another attempt
by Washington at "regime change" and warned local groups
against accepting U.S. funds. Despite some stirrings of U.S. economic
interest in Cuba, experts don't expect a move toward normalization
of U.S.-Cuban relations anytime soon.
What is the status of U.S.-Cuba relations?
U.S.-Cuba
relations are virtually nonexistent. There is a U.S. mission in
Havana, Cuba's capital, but it has minimal communication with
the Cuban government. Since 1961, the official U.S. policy towards
Cuba has been two-pronged: economic embargo and diplomatic isolation.
The Bush administration has strongly enforced the embargo and
strengthened travel restrictions. Americans with immediate family
may visit once every three years for a maximum of two weeks, while
the total amount of family remittances an authorized traveler
may carry to Cuba is $300, reduced from $3,000 in 2004.
But
the U.S. Congress has softened administration policy in some areas.
Congress amended the trade embargo in 2000 to allow agricultural
exports from the United States to Cuba. In 2005, U.S. companies
exported some $338 million worth of food and agricultural products
to Cuba; in 2001 that figure was virtually zero. Nebraska, Oklahoma,
and Texas have all brokered agricultural deals with Cuba over
the past two years. In June, the U.S. House approved an amendment
to ease restrictions on Cuban payments for U.S. agricultural exports.
The matter now awaits Senate action.
What is U.S. public opinion on the isolation of Cuba?
Some
U.S. constituencies would like to resume relations. American agricultural
groups already deal with Cuba, and other economic sectors would
like access to the Cuban market. A 1999 executive order by President
Clinton easing travel to the island precipitated an increase in
U.S. visits, which ended with the restrictions ordered by President
Bush in May 2004. Many Cuban-Americans are angry about the stricter
limits on travel and remittances. However, a small but vocal contingent
of hard-line Cuban exiles, many of them based in Florida, do not
want to resume relations with Cuba until Castro and his sympathizers
are gone, says Julia Sweig, CFR senior fellow for Latin American
Studies.
Opinions
in Congress are mixed: A group of influential Republican lawmakers
from Florida—Lincoln Diaz-Balart, his brother Mario Diaz-Balart,
and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen—is strongly anti-Castro. At the
same time, there is growing sentiment in favor of improving relations
with Cuba. In 2002, a bipartisan group of senators, the Congressional
Cuban Working Group, proposed a set of measures that included
lifting the travel ban and allowing private financing of food
and agriculture sales. In 2003, both the House and Senate voted
to lift the travel ban but the measure was removed after President
Bush threatened to veto.
What is the likelihood that the United States and
Cuba will resume diplomatic relations?
Given
the range of issues dividing the two countries, experts say the
possibility of normalization remains distant. "We don't use
that language [normalization] anymore because the relationship
is so toxic," Sweig says. Wayne Smith, director of the Cuba
program at the Center for International Policy, says Cuba has
the "same effect on U.S. administrations that the full moon
has on a werewolf."
What is the main irritant in U.S.-Cuban relations?
A
fundamental incompatibility of political views, experts say. From
the U.S. perspective, by continuing to rule a one-party socialist
state, Fidel Castro "has defied us and jeered at us for over
half a century," Smith says. While experts say the United
States wants regime change, "the most important objective
of the Cuban government is to remain in power at all costs,"
says Felix Martin, assistant professor at Florida International
University's Cuban Research Institute. He says Castro intends
to stay in power for life. Castro has been an inspiration for
Latin American leftists such as Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez
and Bolivian President Evo Morales, who have challenged U.S. policy
in the region.
What are the issues preventing normalization of U.S.-Cuban
relations?
* Human rights violations. In March 2003, the Cuban government
arrested seventy-five dissidents and journalists, sentencing them
to prison terms of up to twenty-eight years on charges of conspiring
with the United States to overthrow the state. The Cuban Commission
for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, a Havana-based nongovernmental
group, reports that the government is now resorting to other tactics—such
as firings from state jobs and intimidation on the street—besides
prison to silence opposition figures. A 2005 UN Human Rights Commission
vote condemned Cuba's human rights record, but the country was
elected to the new UN Human Rights Council in 2006.
* Guantanamo Bay. Cuba indicated after 9/11 that it would not
object if the United States brought prisoners to Guantanamo Bay.
However, experts such as Sweig say Cuban officials have since
seized on the U.S. prison camp—where hundreds of terror
suspects have been detained without recourse to trial—as
a "symbol of solidarity" with the rest of the world
against the United States.
* Cuban exile community. The Cuban-American community in southern
Florida strongly influences U.S. policy with Cuba. Both political
parties fear alienating what is seen as a strong voting bloc in
an important swing state in presidential elections. Though the
Bush administration's tightened travel restrictions upset many
Cuban-Americans, hardline Cuban exiles still lobby for regime
change. Several Cuban-Americans sit on the U.S.-based Commission
for Assistance to a Free Cuba (CAFA).
What
is CAFA?
CAFA
was established by President Bush in 2003 to "help hasten
and ease Cuba's democratic transition." Cochaired by then-Secretary
of State Colin Powell, the commission is now headed by Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Commerce Carlos Gutierrez.
It issued reports in May 2004 and July 2006, the first of which
recommended appointing a Cuba transition coordinator, which Bush
did in September 2005.
What are the provisions of CAFA’s recent report?
The
report calls for an $80 million "Cuban Fund for a Democratic
Future"—a small increase from the initial report's
$57 million—to support independent civil society on the
island, fund university scholarships, and break the information
blockade. Bush approved the fund on July 10, saying it would help
the Cuban people in the transition from Castro's regime to "genuine
democracy". While very similar to CAFA's initial recommendations,
the updated report draws special attention to the so-called "Cuba-Venezuela
axis," noting there are clear signs Cuba is using money from
Venezuela to reactivate its networks in the hemisphere and plan
a succession strategy.
Some
analysts think the report's timing is less about any increase
in the likelihood of a post-Castro Cuba and more about U.S. domestic
politics and the upcoming midterm elections. In the Financial
Times, Daniel Erikson of the Inter-American Dialogue calls the
update "more of a symbolic recommitment to democracy in Cuba
than a new set of policies to implement regime change." The
Lexington Institute's Philip Peters questioned the need for such
a report in the first place, writing in a June 29 Cuba Policy
Report: "Given Cuba's improved economic position, normalized
relations with the United States and an end to the embargo may
not be urgent priorities for Castro's immediate successors."
Has Fidel Castro named his successor?
Not
yet, though most experts agree that Raul Castro, the seventy-five-year-old
younger brother of Fidel, is the likely successor. Brian Latell,
former top Cuba analyst for the Central Intelligence Agency and
researcher at the University of Miami's Institute for Cuban and
Cuban-American Studies, thinks the transition to Raul may have
already begun, and "there is a good chance that he will want
better relations with the United States." Yet others predict
that Raul will merely continue the current political regime. Florida
International University's Martin says relations with the United
States will remain bad because "this leadership thrives on
these confrontations, this confrontational approach."
What is keeping Cuba on the State Sponsors of Terrorism list?
According
to the State Department, Cuba remains on the list because it opposes
the global war on terrorism, supports members of two Colombia
insurgent groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC)
and the National Liberation Army (ELN), and provides safe haven
to several Basque ETA members from Spain. But some experts say
there is little evidence to support the State Department's allegations.
What is the status of Cuba’s economy?
After
introducing a few market reforms—opening up Cuba to tourism,
allowing some foreign investment, and authorizing self-employment
for certain occupations—in the early 1990s, the Cuban government
is now reasserting central control. In 2004, Cuba reverted to
a peso economy, with the government as the only body authorized
to exchange pesos into dollars. The economy is divided into the
following revenue streams:
* Tourism. Now the economy's largest source of revenue, tourists—primarily
from Canada and the European Union—bring some $2.1 billion
into the country.
* Remittances. Academic sources estimate remittances total between
$600 million and $1 billion a year, most coming from families
in the United States.
* Nickel. Cuba has the third-largest nickel reserves in the world.
Nickel is currently the country's biggest export, bringing in
roughly $800 million in 2004.
* Sugar. Sugar was long the primary industry in Cuba, but production
has plummeted due to outdated factory equipment. In 1989, production
was more than 8 million tons, while the harvest in 2004 was only
2.3 million tons.
* Foreign investments. Cuba receives hundreds of millions of dollars
in foreign investments from Venezuela (some $900 million in 2004),
Spain ($700 million), and China ($340 million).
How
does Venezuela assist Cuba?
In
October 2000, Chavez and Castro signed the "Integral Cooperation
Accord," an agreement that specified an exchange of Venezuelan
oil for Cuban goods and services. Venezuela now sells Cuba some
90,000 barrels of crude oil daily at preferential prices. Martin
calls the relationship "very intimate," and says it
is getting "stronger and stronger every year." But Chavez
also helps Castro from an ideological standpoint. In addition
to removing any incentive to approach other countries for economic
assistance, Chavez's support means that Cuba no longer stands
alone against the United States. This "provides them with
a kind of insurance policy that they haven't had since the Soviet
bloc collapsed," Sweig says. Other experts point to Cuba's
burgeoning friendship with China as an indication of the growing
worldwide support for Castro's regime. "There is this image
now of close Cuban-Chinese relations which is very useful to Cuba,
in the sense that they're not isolated," Smith says.
Copyright
2006 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All Rights Reserved.