As
printed in
The
South Florida Sun-Sentinel
May 7, 2005
Is
Cuba a sponsor of terrorism? Is U.S.?
By
Wayne S. Smith
The State Department's just-issued report on state sponsors of
terrorism offers nothing new. In the case of Cuba, it simply repeats
the same tired old charges without offering any hard or specific
evidence. It states, for example, that "Cuba continued to
actively oppose the U.S.-led coalition prosecuting the global
war on terrorism."
But "oppose" how? Cuba offered to sign
agreements with the U.S. for joint actions against terrorism.
The U.S. ignored the offer. If the State Department means that
Cuba is opposed to the war in Iraq, that is true. But so are half
of the American people and the majority of other governments in
the world.
Displaying real chutzpah, the report goes on to
say that: "The Cuban government claims, despite the absence
of evidence, that it is a principal victim of terrorism sponsored
by Cuban-Americans in the United States."
Lack of evidence? There was abundant evidence that
Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carriles masterminded the bombing
of the Cubana airliner back in 1976, resulting in the loss of
73 innocent lives, including a young Cuban fencing team. Bosch
now lives a free man in Miami, having been pardoned by President
George H.W. Bush against the advice of his Justice Department.
Posada has just come back to Miami to ask for asylum, after having
been pardoned from prison by the outgoing president of Panama.
(He and three other Cuban exiles were in prison there on charges
related to the accusation that they were in Panama to assassinate
President Fidel Castro, there for an international meeting.)
There is also evidence, some of it in the form of
a 1998 New York Times interview that Posada gave to Annie Bardach,
that he was directing a bombing campaign against tourist hotels
in Havana, a campaign that in 1997 resulted in the death of an
Italian tourist and the wounding of several innocent people.
And this is but the tip of the iceberg. There is
voluminous evidence of Cuban exile terrorist acts against Cuba.
Most of the perpetrators are living openly and freely in Miami,
their actions seemingly condoned by the U.S. government.
Indeed, if one looks closely at the matter of exile
terrorism against Cuba, the U.S. government itself may be seen
as a "state sponsor of terrorism." And if it allows
Posada to remain in the U.S., there will be new evidence to that
effect. In an obvious effort to confuse the issue, on May 2, Assistant
Secretary of State Roger Noriega said that he didn't know if Posada
was in the U.S. This, despite the fact that Posada's lawyer on
April 11 stated that he was in the U.S. and requested asylum for
him to remain.
The report also charges that in 2004, "Cuba
continued to provide limited support to designated Foreign Terrorist
Organizations, as well as a safe haven for terrorists."
In fact, however, the report only mentions Basque
members of ETA who continue to reside in Cuba and members of the
Colombian groups FARC and ELN, to whom Cuba, according to the
report, provides sanctuary and some degree of support. No other
terrorist organizations are mentioned; hence, we must assume that
ETA, FARC and the ELN represent the department's entire case.
And even here, the evidence is unconvincing. The
report mentions a request from the Aznar government in November
2003 not to give the ETA members sanctuary, but when I discussed
the matter with the Spanish embassies in Washington and Havana
last year, I was told that the Spanish government had no concerns
about ETA members residing in Cuba. They are there as the result
of earlier agreements. Spain had no evidence that any are involved
in terrorist activities and regards the question of their presence
in Cuba as a matter strictly between the Spanish and Cuban governments
which is being handled satisfactorily.
In the same way, while there are members of the
FARC and ELN in Havana, conversations with the Colombian embassies
in Washington and Havana last year indicated that they are there
with the acquiescence of the Colombian government, which continues
to see Cuba's efforts to broker a peace process in Colombia as
"helpful and constructive."
Finally, the report complains that many of the more
than 70 fugitives from U.S. justice who have taken refuge in Cuba
are accused of committing violent acts in the U.S. that targeted
innocents in order to advance political causes.
But as Robert Muse, a lawyer, pointed out at a conference
hosted by the Center for International Policy in October of last
year and titled "Cuba Should Not Be On the Terrorist List,"
legal authority to designate a terrorist-sponsoring country is
found in Section 6(j) of the 1979 Export Administration Act, which
authorizes the secretary of state to determine that a country
has "repeatedly provided support for international terrorism."
But as noted by Muse, two further elements must
be demonstrated: (a) that the fugitives in question had committed
"terrorist" acts and, (b) that those acts were "international"
in character. Muse said he had been unable to identify a single
U.S. fugitive in Cuba who meets the criteria.
In sum, if what we see in the State Department's
latest accusations that Cuba is a state sponsor of terrorism is
its entire case, then clearly it has no case.
But its claim to have one is part of a by-now familiar
pattern, like the Bush administration's claim that weapons of
mass destruction were virtually ready to fire in Iraq, when in
fact none existed. Like the biological and chemical weapons that
John Bolton said threatened us from Cuba, but which did not exist.
That such misrepresentations seriously undermine
U.S. credibility seems to bother the Bush administration not a
whit.
Wayne S. Smith is a senior fellow at the Center
for International Policy in Washington, D.C. and the former chief
of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana (1979-82).
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