Colombia
today receives more U.S. police and military assistance than the rest
of Latin America and the Caribbean combined. With nearly $300 million
in new weapons, equipment, training and services, Colombia was the world’s
third-largest recipient of grant U.S. security assistance in 1999.1
The main
source of cocaine and an important source of heroin entering the United
States, Colombia also faces growing internal political violence. The
worsening crisis, along with the 1998 exit of drug money-tainted President
Ernesto Samper, has led the U.S. government to increase both its military
operating presence and its assistance to Colombia’s security forces.
U.S. operational
presence in Colombia
Roughly
250 to 300 U.S. military personnel -- largely Special
Operations Forces -- are present in Colombia on a typical day. The
Defense Department maintains that they do not participate or accompany
Colombian forces in military operations against armed groups or drug
traffickers.2 Instead, they
carry out training or fulfill counter-drug detection, monitoring,
and intelligence-gathering missions, most of them secret.
The Defense
Department maintains five radar facilities on
Colombian soil to detect drug-smuggling activity. Three ground-based
radars (GBRs) are located in the southern Amazon basin area at Leticia,
Amazonas department; Marandúa, Vichada department; and San José del
Guaviare, Guaviare department. Two other radar sites, part of the U.S.
Air Force’s Caribbean Basin Radar Network, are located at Ríohacha in
the northern department of La Guajira, and on the island of San Andrés
in the Caribbean near Nicaragua.3
In report language accompanying its version of the 2000 National Defense
Authorization Act (NDAA), the House Armed Services Committee recommended
the establishment of a fourth GBR at Tres Esquinas, Putumayo. The final
version of the bill, however, did not include this recommendation.
Though
the sites are located on Colombian military installations, they are
manned by U.S. personnel who are responsible for guaranteeing their
own security. “A typical detachment,” according to a 1997 U.S. Southern
Command (Southcom) publication, “consists of
36 to 45 personnel. Perhaps 30 to 40 percent are radar technicians.
Since GBRs are essentially self-contained units, everyone from cooks
to security guards are among those based at the sites.... Duty at these
remote posts varies from two weeks to six months, depending on service
status, rank and specialty.”4
The non-military
U.S. counter-drug presence is also significant. It incorporates, among
others, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)
agents assisting Colombian police investigations, and contractor pilots
spraying herbicides on coca and opium poppy fields in southern Colombia.
Since the
mid-1990s, fighting has intensified between the Colombian government,
right-wing paramilitary groups, and three leftist guerrilla groups,
the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation
Army (ELN), and the much smaller People’s Liberation Army (EPL). Many
policymakers are concerned about the growing presence of U.S. military
personnel in the midst of this violent internal conflict. Reflecting
this concern, in the 2000 NDAA Congress requires the Secretary of Defense
to submit, on January 1 of each year, a report detailing the number
of members of the U.S. armed forces deployed or assigned to duty in
Colombia at any time during the preceding year, the length and purpose
of their deployments or assignments, and the associated costs and force-protection
risks.
Map image copyright © 1999, Microsoft Corp. |
The International
Narcotics Control (INC) program, which is managed
by the State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law
Enforcement Affairs (INL), supports a large aerial eradication program.
The program sprays glyphosate, a water-soluble herbicide, on coca fields
in the southern departments of Guaviare and Caquetá. A smaller program
to fumigate opium poppy elsewhere in Colombia began in November 1998.5
Additional coca fumigation is planned for the department of Putumayo,
further south along the border with Ecuador, but has been delayed, according
to the State Department’s February 1999 International Narcotics Control
Strategy Report (INCSR), “by the threat of guerrilla activity.”6
U.S. contractor
pilots flying State Department-owned T-65 and OV-10 “Bronco” spray planes
fumigated over 65,000 hectares (160,618 acres) of coca in 1998.7
The spray-plane pilots, as well as several trainers and maintenance
workers, are employed by Dyncorp, a Virginia-based private defense contractor.
Between eighty and ninety contract personnel are stationed in Colombia
either temporarily or permanently.8
The State Department estimates that the aerial eradication program in
Colombia may cost as much as $68 million in 1999, an increase of about
350 percent over the $19.6 million spent in 1996.9
A-10 "Warthog"
attack aircraft may be enlisted in the aerial spray operation in the
year 2000. The A-10, according to a U.S. Air Force fact sheet, is "specially
designed for close air support of ground forces."10
According to the conference committee report accompanying
the 2000 Defense Department Appropriations bill, the chief counternarcotics
officials at the Departments of State and Defense are to submit a report
to Congress on the cost-effectiveness of transferring refurbished A-10s
"for the Department of State's coca eradication mission in Colombia."
The spray
program involves some risk, as Colombian guerrilla groups are present
in most of the areas being fumigated. Aircraft on spray operations were
hit by hostile fire, most of it small-arms fire, fifty-one times in
1997 and forty-eight times in 1998.11
For their protection, U.S.-funded Colombian police planes and helicopters
escort the contract pilots on their spray sorties.
Critics
of the program contend that glyphosate fumigation frequently destroys
legal crops, may cause health and environmental problems, causes displacement
of local populations, and has little effect on the amount of land under
illicit cultivation. Many propose a greater emphasis on crop substitution
programs, which have been employed far more widely in Bolivia and Peru,
but the U.S. government refuses to initiate these programs in areas
that are not fully under Colombian government control.12
Assistance
to the Colombian National Police
The Colombian
National Police (CNP), particularly its Anti-Narcotics Directorate (DANTI),
has been the United States’ chief partner on eradication and other anti-narcotics
missions. Support for the DANTI is “the primary focus” of the INC
program, according to its 2000 Congressional Presentation. Additional
beneficiaries of INC assistance, the document states, include
“other CNP elements, the National Narcotics Directorate (DNE), the
National Plan for Alternative Development (PLANTE), elements of the
military involved in counternarcotics, and other Colombian government
entities, such as the Civil Aviation Administration.”13
The INC
program is the largest single source of U.S. assistance to Colombia,
with a budget of about $203 million for its 1999 Colombia activities.
Of this amount, about $195 million benefits Colombia’s security forces,
with the vast majority going to the police. INC funds support the police’s
role in the aerial eradication program, interdiction of drug and precursor-chemical
shipments, and investigations of trafficker organizations.14
In October
1998, Congress augmented the original $30 million budget for the INC
program’s 1999 Colombia activities with a $173.16 million appropriation
of funds authorized by the “Western Hemisphere
Drug Elimination Act.”
The original
$30 million paid chiefly for training, spare parts, aviation fuel and
equipment upgrades, much of it for the Colombian police anti-narcotics
air wing, which in 1998 maintained fifty-eight helicopters and seventeen
planes. It also paid the salaries of 100 civilian pilots, maintenance
and logistics personnel supporting the police air wing.15
The INC program trained 125 police in 1998 and 153 police in 1997.16
The House-Senate
Conference Committee that drew up the additional $173.16 million appropriation
gave specific instructions for how the INC program should spend it:
- $96
million for six UH-60 "Blackhawk" helicopters for Colombia’s
National Police.
- $40
million for thirty-four used twin-engine UH-1N helicopters, and fifteen
upgrades of UH-1H "Huey" helicopters to the “Super Huey”
configuration, all for Colombia’s National Police. “When this program
is complete,” Assistant Secretary of State for INL Rand Beers told
a House subcommittee, “virtually every helicopter in CNP service will
be capable of operating at high altitude, meeting a key requirement
for operations against opium poppy, which is customarily grown at
altitudes between 5,000 and 9,000 feet.”17
- $6
million for operations and support of the Colombian National Police
air wing.
- $6
million for twenty-five minigun systems for the Colombian National
Police air wing. Six will be installed on the new Blackhawk helicopters
listed above, and the rest will be mounted on CNP Super Huey, Bell
212, and UH-1N helicopters. Any remaining funding will pay for ammunition
for the guns.18
- $6
million for security measures for Colombian National Police counter-drug
bases.
- $2
million for a DC-3 transport aircraft for the Colombian National Police
air wing.
- $2
million for reconstruction of the Colombian police-military counternarcotics
base at Miraflores, destroyed by FARC guerrillas in an August 1998
attack.
- $1.2
million for enhancements to Colombian National Police prison security
systems.
- $14
million to implement an "extended life program" for the
Colombian Air Force’s A-37 "Dragonfly" attack aircraft.
This item, discussed further below, is the only significant INC assistance
for a branch of Colombia’s military in 1999.
“When this
supplemental funding runs out,” notes the INC Congressional Presentation,
“an increase in the regular INC budget will be required for the continuing
operational costs of the aircraft and other equipment provided to Colombia.”19
Though
the INC program largely assists Colombia’s police, it plans to devote
$4 million in 2000 to re-start an Armed Forces Counternarcotics Support
Project in Colombia.20 According
to the INC Congressional Presentation, this project, which has
not been funded since 1997, will assist military activities “that support
the CNP’s counternarcotics efforts or conduct independent counternarcotics
operations.” Assistance will include spare parts, supplies, equipment
and training for the use and upkeep of previously donated Air Force
C-130 and C-26 aircraft and Navy riverine and coastal patrol craft.
Assistance
to the Colombian Armed Forces
As recently
as early 1999, Colombia’s police received the vast majority of U.S.
assistance, roughly 90 percent of the total. This is changing rapidly,
as U.S. policymakers are directing an increasing amount of counter-drug
aid toward the military. “Now, for the first time, the CNP's commitment
to counternarcotics has been adopted by the Colombian armed forces,”
noted Brian Sheridan, the Defense Department’s drug enforcement policy
director, in September 1999.21
Gen. Charles
Wilhelm, the head of the U.S. Southern Command and a vocal proponent
of increased military aid to Colombia, argued before a Senate caucus
that police assistance alone is insufficient, given the likelihood of
confrontation with guerrillas during counter-narcotics efforts.
We
must now increase the capabilities of the armed forces without degrading
the capabilities of the CNP. Though professional and well led, the
CNP are precisely what their name implies -- they are a police force.
They lack the strength in numbers and combined arms capabilities that
are required to engage FARC fronts and mobile columns that possess
army-like capabilities. This is a mission that the armed forces and
only the armed forces can and should undertake. By bringing the capabilities
of its armed forces into balance with those of the national police,
Colombia can achieve a "one-two punch" with the armed forces
preceding the police into narcotics cultivation and production areas
and setting the security conditions that are mandatory for safe and
productive execution of eradication and other counter-drug operations
by the CNP.22
On January
11, 2000, the Clinton Administration unveiled a large package of anti-drug
assistance to Colombia for 2000 and 2001, with an unprecedented emphasis
on the military.23 The administration’s
aid package follows along the lines of at least the military and police
aspects of the “Plan Colombia,” a September 1999 Colombian government
document outlining Bogotá’s economic and military needs over the next
few years. During 2000 and 2001, the proposed package would add about
$1.005 billion in new military and police assistance; the vast majority
is destined for Colombia, though an undetermined amount would go to
Colombia's Andean neighbors. The package is to be submitted for Congressional
approval in two segments: as a supplemental appropriation for 2000,
and as part of the regular 2001 budget request.
The aid
proposal falls into five categories:
- Push
into southern Colombia growing areas. $600 million over two years,
for the following efforts:
- Training
and equipping two additional counternarcotics battalions within
the Colombian Army.
- 30
UH-60 Blackhawk helicopters and 33 UH-1H Huey helicopters for
the counternarcotics battalions.
- Intelligence
for the counternarcotics battalions.
- USAID
assistance that will, according to a White House document, "provide
shelter and employment to the Colombian people who will be displaced
during this push into southern Colombia."24
- More
aggressive Andean region interdiction. $341 million over two years,
for the following efforts:
- Radar
upgrades.
- Airplane
and airfield upgrades.
- Provision
of intelligence.
- Support
for the U.S. Forward Operating Location
(FOL) at Manta, Ecuador ($38.6 million).
- Assistance
for interdiction efforts in Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador.
- Colombian
National Police support. $96 million over two years, for the following
efforts:
- Upgrades
to existing aircraft.
- Purchases
of additional spray aircraft.
- Secure
bases for increased operations in coca-growing areas.
- Provision
of intelligence.
- Alternative
economic development. $145 million over two years, for the following
efforts:
- USAID
assistance to provide economic alternatives for former coca-growers.
- USAID
assistance to increase local governments' ability to provide for
citizens' basic needs.
- Boosting
governing capacity. $93 million over two years, for the following
efforts:
- USAID
and Justice Department assistance to increase protection of human
rights, reform the judicial system, increase the rule of law,
and crack down on money laundering and other high-tech crimes.
- Training
of Colombian government representatives to prepare them for peace
negotiations.
For
current information about the aid package's progress through Congress,
and for links to relevant government documents, consult the Center
for International Policy's U.S.
Aid to Colombia web site.
|
Most of
the military and police assistance in the package will be managed by
the State Department's International Narcotics Control (INC)
program. A sizable portion of the first two categories (the push into
southern Colombia and Andean interdiction), $144 million, will be funded
through the Defense Department's "Section 1004"
counternarcotics budget authorization. The defense budget portion will
fund equipment and training for the counternarcotics battalions, a headquarters
for a three-battalion counternarcotics brigade, helicopter maintenance,
military reform assistance, intelligence, aircraft upgrades, a new ground-based
radar facility, support for the Manta FOL, and a road-based drug interdiction
program.
On October
20, 1999 Sen. Paul Coverdell (R-GA) introduced a separate proposal,
the “Alliance with Colombia and the Andean Region (Alianza) Act” (S.
1758). If approved, this legislation would authorize -- but not appropriate
-- $945 million in new assistance for Colombia's security forces during
2000, 2001 and 2002. This would include support for the creation of
at least three counternarcotics battalions in the Colombian Army. Additional
Army support would include fifteen UH-60 "Blackhawk" helicopters,
intelligence, surveillance and refueling aircraft, airfield construction,
and other equipment and training. Colombia's navy would receive patrol
aircraft, helicopters, patrol boats and forward-looking infrared radar
systems. The country's National Police would get additional spare parts,
upgrades, transport aircraft, base construction assistance, and training.
The legislation
also includes some human rights provisions. Among them, the bill would
require the Secretary of State to notify Congress about, and to cut
off funding for, Colombian military units that provide material support
to paramilitary or narcotrafficking groups, even if gross human rights
violations are not a direct result. The bill would also authorize $100
million to assist Colombia's judicial system, government human rights
institutions, non-governmental human rights organizations, and internally
displaced populations, and $50 million for alternative-development programs
in drug cultivation areas.
While any
new aid package for 2001 is likely to multiply U.S. assistance for Colombia’s
armed forces, several other military cooperation initiatives -- many
begun in 1998 and 1999 -- are already underway.
U.S. funding,
particularly emergency drawdowns of equipment
and the Defense Department’s “Section 1004” anti-drug
authority, helped the Colombian Army to create, equip and train a 950-man
mobile counternarcotics battalion in 1999.
Gen. Wilhelm
of the U.S. Southern Command described the Colombian Army’s First Counternarcotics
Battalion at a June 1999 Senate committee hearing:
This
battalion is a highly mobile unit, designed from the ground up to
work with the Colombian National Police, other Colombian Army units,
or independently, taking the fight to traffickers in the safe havens
of southeastern Colombia where the majority of cocaine production
takes place. Southcom is working closely with the Colombian Armed
Forces providing them guidance, advice, and training, as they develop
these new, important and very relevant capabilities.25
The unit’s
members were vetted for past corruption or human rights abuse, and the
United States began training and equipping its members in April 1999.
The battalion, which will complete training in December 1999, is to
be headquartered at Tres Esquinas, in the southern department of Putumayo.26
According
to a June 1999 report by the General Accounting Office (GAO) of the
U.S. Congress, "Southcom estimates that the battalion would require
in excess of $70 million worth of equipment and training to become fully
operational. Of this amount, approximately $60 million would be to provide
helicopters." Through a “no-cost lease,”
in 2000 the battalion will receive eighteen UH-1N utility helicopters
which the United States recently re-purchased from Canada.27
A September 1999 drawdown is providing spare
parts and equipment for the battalion.
The unit’s
training, much of it carried out by the U.S. Army’s Seventh Special
Forces Group at the Tolemaida garrison in Tolima department, was estimated
to cost about 3 to 4 million dollars in 1999.28
Training topics include intelligence, reconnaissance, indirect fire,
light infantry tactics, medical skills, and human rights.29
Much counternarcotics
training for the battalion and other Colombian military units is paid
for with funds authorized by Section 1004 of
the 1991 National Defense Authorization Act, a provision that allows
the Pentagon to use its own budget to offer some forms of counternarcotics
assistance. Over thirty military teams, most made up of Special Forces,
deployed to Colombia in 1999 to train more than 1,500 members of Colombia’s
security forces.30 This
training, according to Gen. Wilhelm of Southcom, included “such diverse
subjects as light infantry training for CD [counter-drug] field operations,
helicopter familiarization, and riverine craft handling and safety.”31
U.S. funding
is likely to pay for additional counternarcotics battalions over the
next few years, with at least two more scheduled to begin training in
2000. The administration's aid proposal includes funding for two more
battalions, while the Coverdell legislation calls for the creation of
three more. Gen. Wilhelm of Southcom said in September 1999 that he
will “encourage Colombia's military leaders to expand the concept and
create a CD [counter-drug] Brigade.”32
The average Colombian Army brigade has eight battalions.
A "riverine"
counter-drug program, using defense budget funds authorized by Section
1033 of the 1998 National Defense Authorization Act, seeks to improve
the Colombian Navy's ability to control traffic on rivers. The program,
authorized to operate between 1998 and 2002, works mainly in the Amazon
basin area of southern Colombia, a region where rivers abound, coca
is grown and guerrillas are numerous.
The program
pays for spare parts, infrastructure improvements, and training for
Riverine Combat Elements (RCEs), small units with four boats each, within
the Colombian Navy. Eighteen RCEs currently exist, seven of which were
formed with the riverine program's assistance as of June 1999. The eventual
goal is to deploy 45 RCEs.33
The program
has also helped the navy create a new Riverine Brigade. "A major
milestone" was achieved in August 1999, according to Southcom’s
Gen. Wilhelm, "when President [Andrés] Pastrana personally activated
the new Riverine Brigade and its five battalions. Earlier, the Colombian
Navy launched its first indigenous support or 'mothership.'"34
In 1998,
Section 1033 funds for Colombia totaled either $1.82 million or $2.172
million, depending on the Defense Department source consulted. These
funds mostly paid for spare parts and equipment.35
In 1999, the riverine program expects to spend between $9.3 million
and $12.623 million in Section 1033-authorized funds.36
Air
force assistance
The United
States is encouraging Colombia’s Air Force to adopt a policy, modeled
on that of Peru, of forcing or shooting down suspected drug-smuggling
aircraft. “The Colombian Air Force is willing,” State Department INL
Director Rand Beers said in September 1999, “but requires considerable
assistance to carry out the mission.”37
A key element
of U.S. support for Colombia’s Air Force is a program to upgrade its
fleet of A-37 “Dragonfly” intercept aircraft. The Dragonfly, a U.S.
Air Force web site states, is “intended for use in counterinsurgency
operations.”38 The State
Department INC program contributed $14 million in “Western Hemisphere
Drug Elimination Act” funds to the A-37 upgrade effort in 1999. The
Defense Department, according to Pentagon drug policy director Brian
Sheridan, spent an additional $7 million in 1999 -- about $5 million
for upgrades and $2 million on A-37 training for Colombian pilots.39
The State
Department's INC program is also funding improvements, such as a runway
extension, to the Colombian air base at Tres Esquinas, Putumayo, the
headquarters of the Colombian Army’s First Counternarcotics Battalion.40
The United
States is providing the Colombian military with some intelligence about
drug and guerrilla activity, while improving the armed forces’ own intelligence-gathering
and analysis abilities. According to INL Director Beers, U.S. personnel
are “working to improve the Colombian security forces' ability to collect,
analyze and disseminate intelligence on counternarcotics activity and
on insurgent activity which could threaten counternarcotics forces.”41
An inter-agency
U.S. effort intends to improve information-sharing between Colombian
police and military units. Toward this end, in 1999 the United States
supported the establishment of a Colombian Joint Intelligence Center
(JIC), which will be based at Tres Esquinas alongside the Army counternarcotics
battalion. “By reprioritizing tasks,” Southcom’s Gen. Wilhelm said in
September, enough Defense Department funds were committed in 1999 to
train, equip and provide facilities for the JIC. The center’s personnel
underwent training in the latter half of 1999, and the facility is expected
to be initially operational by December 15, 1999.42
Under certain
circumstances, U.S. personnel share intelligence with the Colombian
military and police. Until recently, U.S. officials avoided transferring
intelligence about guerrilla activity if unrelated to counter-drug operations.
This decision owed to discomfort with such direct involvement in Colombia’s
conflict, and concern about recipients’ use of the information (it could,
for instance, be passed on to paramilitary groups or military human
rights abusers). A June 1998 guidance allowed U.S. personnel to share
intelligence about guerrilla capabilities and activities only if directly
related to approved counternarcotics operations.
Citing
guerrilla involvement in the drug trade, U.S. officials have loosened
restrictions on intelligence-sharing. According to a June 1999 General
Accounting Office (GAO) report, “within the area where most drug-trafficking
activities occur, U.S. embassy officials stated that the drug traffickers
and the insurgents have become virtually indistinguishable.”43
The U.S. government response in March 1999 was to issue new guidelines
that allow U.S. personnel to provide intelligence about guerrilla activity
to military and police units in Colombia’s southern drug-producing region,
even if the information is not directly related to counternarcotics
operations.44
The U.S.
Southern Command seeks to help restructure Colombia’s army, an institution
plagued by human rights abuse charges, corruption scandals, and serious
battlefield losses. These reforms, according to Southcom’s Gen. Wilhelm,
involve helping to “transition the Colombian Army from its defensive
mindset, forge a better union with the National Police, and improve
its overall CD [counter-drug] capabilities.”45
In addition to informal advice and consultation with Southcom and the
country team at the U.S. embassy in Bogotá, the U.S. military sends
deployments -- Military Information Support Teams (MISTs),
Joint Planning Assistance Teams (JPATs),
Operational Planning Missions (OPMs), and others -- which offer management
advice and other planning and intelligence assistance designed to make
the army more effective.46
A high-level Bilateral Working Group, created in December 1998, now
meets twice a year to coordinate U.S.-Colombian military cooperation
and assistance.
The U.S.-assisted
restructuring program includes an effort to improve the Colombian Army’s
human rights practices. U.S. personnel are offering human rights training
and suggesting improvements to the military’s justice system and human
rights training curriculum.47
Several
other programs, such as IMET, ICITAP,
and Anti-Terrorism Assistance (ATA), offer small
amounts of funding (less than $1 million each) for Colombian military
and police students taking non-counternarcotics courses. Special
Forces training visits to Colombia rarely fit within the Joint Combined
Exchange Training (JCET) category; the vast
majority instead have a counternarcotics mission. (As discussed above,
over thirty such visits trained over 1,500 Colombian personnel in 1999.)
Colombian
forces took part in several Southcom-sponsored training exercises
and seminars in 1998 and 1999, including Fuerzas
Aliadas Chile, Fuerzas Aliadas Humanitarian,
UNITAS and United Counterdrug.
A Medical Readiness Training Team (MEDRETE)
paid a rare visit in September 1999, offering health services in the
town of Honda in Tolima department.
Arms
transfers
In addition
to the sources discussed above, Colombia’s security forces also receive
grants of weapons and equipment through emergency counternarcotics drawdowns.
The latest drawdown, announced on September 15, 1999, included $58 million
of spare parts, equipment, fuel, weapons and ammunition for the Colombian
military and police.48 Colombia
has not received grants of weapons through the Excess Defense Articles
(EDA) program in recent years.
Colombia
is consistently among the hemisphere’s top three customers for U.S.
weapons through the Foreign Military Sales (FMS)
program, and the top five customers for Direct Commercial Sales (DCS)
purchases. Recent Colombian acquisitions include eleven UH-60 “Blackhawk”
and twelve TH-13 “Sioux” training helicopters, small arms, spare parts,
vehicles and ammunition.49
In November 1999, the administration notified Congress
of an especially large potential FMS sale to Colombia: $221 million
for fourteen Blackhawk helicopters and several different kinds of weapons
and spare parts. In an unusual move, the Export-Import Bank of the United
States may finance at least $20 million of this sale.50
The Leahy
Law and the vetting process
The “Leahy
Amendments” to the foreign operations and defense-budget appropriations
bills prohibit units of a country's security forces from receiving assistance
if their members face credible evidence of gross human rights violations.
The laws allow accused units to receive aid through Foreign Operations-funded
programs if “effective measures” are taken to bring the accused unit
members to justice, and to receive aid through defense budget-funded
programs if unspecified “corrective steps” are taken.
Though
its overall record is improving, the Colombian Army today is the hemisphere’s
worst abuser of human rights and international humanitarian law. Its
abuses take place both through direct action and through middle and
lower-ranking officers’ collaboration with, or acquiescence to, paramilitary
groups’ atrocities.
The Clinton
Administration and the human rights community view Colombia as a chief
test case for the Leahy Law’s implementation. A vetting procedure, within
the framework of an August 1997 End-Use Monitoring agreement between
the U.S. Embassy and Colombia’s Defense Ministry, screens unit members
for past corruption or human rights abuse. The agreement also requires
Colombia’s Defense Ministry to submit every six months a certification
listing ongoing formal investigations or prosecutions of unit members
for gross human rights violations.
All counternarcotics
units within Colombia’s National Police, Air Force, Navy and Marine
Corps have passed the vetting process and are cleared to receive material
assistance. Five of the Colombian Army’s twenty-four brigades have cleared
the process. Four brigades, a command, a Special Forces school and the
new counternarcotics battalion, whose members were individually vetted
upon the unit’s creation, are the only Army units allowed to receive
weapons, equipment, or other assistance that benefits the entire unit.
Under the
administration's current interpretation of the Leahy Law, however, “the
‘unit’ to be trained is the unit that is vetted.” In other words, U.S.
programs offer training to individuals with clean records even if they
belong to units that are prohibited from receiving assistance.
The Army
units cleared to receive U.S. assistance are the Eastern Specified Command,
based in Puerto Carreño, Vichada department; the Twenty-Fourth Brigade,
based in Mocoa, Putumayo department; the Twelfth Brigade, based in Florencia,
Caquetá department; and two mobile brigades: the Rural Special Forces
Brigade and the Army Aviation Brigade. The Army's Rural Special Forces
School, on the island of Barrancón in the Guaviare River near San José
del Guaviare, has also been approved.51
A November
1998 U.S. Embassy response to a congressional inquiry notes that three
other brigades for which the Colombian government has sought assistance
-- the Third Brigade in Cali, Valle del Cauca department; the Seventh
Brigade in Villavicencio, Meta Department, and the Second Mobile Brigade
-- were denied their request “on the basis of their human rights record
and the absence of ‘effective measures’ to bring those responsible to
justice for their actions.”52
Analysts
and the media often speculate that military assistance and other counternarcotics
programs may lead the United States into a counterinsurgency mission
that it has not decided to pursue. At issue is how to keep U.S. military
personnel, and the counter-drug forces they train and equip, from getting
too deeply involved in Colombia's bloody civil conflict.
"While
the committee supports more direct involvement by the Colombian government
in the war on drugs," the House Armed Service Committee stated
in its May 1999 report on the 2000 National Defense Authorization Act,
"the committee is concerned with the expanding role of the U.S.
military in domestic Colombian affairs."
The
committee notes that Colombia has become a major recipient of military
hardware assistance and training ostensibly for counter-drug purposes
at the same time the government of Colombia is engaged in a protracted
war against a wide-scale guerrilla insurgency. The committee is concerned
that counter-drug training and assistance provided by the Department
of Defense to Colombian forces may be redirected or used for non-counter-drug
activities. The committee supports continued U.S. cooperation with
the government of Colombia to stem the flow of illegal drugs into
the United States but remains concerned over the prospect of U.S.
military personnel being drawn into Colombia's civil war.53
Concerns
about the U.S. operational presence and intelligence-sharing activities
were heightened by the July 1999 crash of an El Paso, Texas-based U.S.
intelligence-gathering plane. The accident, in a guerrilla-controlled
area of southern Colombia, took the lives of five U.S. soldiers and
two Colombian airmen.
Sources:
1
United States, Department of State, Congressional
Presentation for Foreign Operations, Fiscal Year 2000, (Washington:
Department of State: March 1999): 1317-28.
2
Brian E. Sheridan, Coordinator for Drug Enforcement Policy and Support,
U.S. Department of Defense, Statement for the Record Before the United
States Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, Washington, September
21, 1999 <http://www.ciponline.org/colombia/sheridan.htm>.
3
Walter B. Slocombe, undersecretary of defense for policy, United
States Department of Defense, letter in response to congressional inquiry,
April 1, 1999.
4
Richard K. Kolb, "Tracking the Traffic. U.S. Southcom Counters
Cocaine at the Source," Dialogo: The military forum of the Americas.
(U.S. Southern Command: July-September 1997) <http://www.allenwayne.com/dialogo/julsep97/frames/article.htm>.
5
United States, General Accounting Office, “Drug Control: Narcotics
Threat From Colombia Continues to Grow,” Report to Congressional
Requesters no. GAO/NSIAD-99-136, Washington, June 1999 <http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/useftp.cgi?IPaddress=162.140.64.21&filename=ns99136.txt&directory=/diskb/wais/data/gao>
Adobe Acrobat (pdf) version <http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/useftp.cgi?IPaddress=162.140.64.21&filename=ns99136.pdf&directory=/diskb/wais/data/gao>.
6
U.S. Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs, International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, 1998,
(Washington: Department of State: February 1999) <http://www.state.gov/www/global/narcotics_law/1998_narc_report/major/Colombia.html>.
7
Statement of Rand Beers, Assistant Secretary of
State, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
before the Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, Washington,
September 21, 1999 <http://www.ciponline.org/colombia/beers.htm>.
8
General Accounting Office.
9
General Accounting Office.
10
United States Air Force, "A-10/OA-10 Thunderbolt II - Fact Sheet"
<http://www.af.mil/news/factsheets/A_10_OA_10_Thunderbolt_II.html>.
11
United States, Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement
Affairs, Department of State, International Narcotics Control Strategy
Report, 1997, Washington, March 1998, March 2, 1998 <http://www.state.gov/www/global/narcotics_law/1997_narc_report/index.html>.
“The Evolving Drug Threat in Colombia And Other South
American Source Zone Nations,” Statement by General Barry R. McCaffrey,
Director, Office of National Drug Control Policy, before the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations, Washington, October 6, 1999 <http://www.usia.gov/regional/ar/colombia/mcaf06.htm>.
12
General Accounting Office.
13
United States, Department of State, Bureau of International Narcotics
and Law Enforcement Affairs, Fiscal Year 2000 Budget Congressional
Presentation (Washington: Department of State: March 1999): 23 <http://www.state.gov/www/global/narcotics_law/fy2000_budget/latin_america.html>.
14
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
Fiscal Year 2000 Budget Congressional Presentation 24.
15
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
Fiscal Year 2000 Budget Congressional Presentation 24-5.
16
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, 1997.
17
Rand Beers, Assistant Secretary International
Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, Testimony before the Western Hemisphere
Subcommittee of the House International Relations Committee, Washington,
DC, March 3, 1999 <http://www.state.gov/www/policy_remarks/1999/990303_beers_hirc.html>.
18
Beers, March 3, 1999.
19
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
Fiscal Year 2000 Budget Congressional Presentation 24.
20
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs,
Fiscal Year 2000 Budget Congressional Presentation 25.
21
Sheridan.
22
Statement of General Charles E. Wilhelm, United
States Marine Corps, Commander in Chief, United States Southern Command,
Before the Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control, September
21, 1999 <http://www.ciponline.org/colombia/wilhelm.htm>.
23
United States, The White House, "Proposal for
U.S. Assistance for Plan Colombia," memorandum, Washington, DC, January
11, 2000. <http://www.ciponline.org/colombia/aidprop2.htm>.
24
The White House, "Proposal for U.S. Assistance
for Plan Colombia."
25
Gen. Charles E. Wilhelm, USMC, Commander in Chief, U.S. Southern
Command, United States Department of Defense, Statement before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere, Peace
Corps, Narcotics and Terrorism, June 22, 1999 <http://www.usia.gov/cgi-bin/washfile/display.pl?p=/products/washfile/geog/ar&f=99062203.lar&t=/products/washfile/newsitem.shtml
>.
26
Slocombe, April 1, 1999.
27
Sheridan.
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
General Accounting Office.
28 Slocombe,
April 1, 1999.
29
Slocombe, April 1, 1999.
30 Wilhelm,
September 21, 1999.
31
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
32
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
33
Wilhelm, June 22, 1999.
34
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
35
Slocombe, April 1, 1999.
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
Ana Maria Salazar, deputy assistant secretary of defense for drug
enforcement policy and support, United States Department of Defense, letter
in response to congressional inquiry, Mar. 19, 1999.
36
Slocombe, April 1, 1999.
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
Salazar.
37
Beers, September 21, 1999.
38
United States Air Force, “T-37 Tweet/A-37B Dragonfly - Fact Sheet”
<http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/almanac/spanish/colombia/col-a37b.htm>.
39
Sheridan.
40
Beers, September 21, 1999.
41
Beers, September 21, 1999.
42
Wilhelm, September 21, 1999.
43
General Accounting Office.
44
General Accounting Office.
45
Wilhelm, June 22, 1999.
46
United States, Department of Defense, News
Briefing, presenter: Gen. Charles Wilhelm, Commander-in-Chief, U.S. Southern
Command, en route to Brazil, May 26, 1998 <http://www.defenselink.mil/news/May1998/t05281998_t526enrt.html>.
47
United States, U.S. Southern Command, “Posture
Statement Of General Charles E. Wilhelm, United States Marine Corps Commander
In Chief, United States Southern Command Before The Senate Armed Services
Committee,” March 4, 1999.
48
United States, White House, "Draft Working Document: FY99 506(a)(2)
Drawdown List -- Requested Items," Memorandum, September 30, 1999.
49
United States, Department of State, Department of Defense, Foreign
Military Assistance Act Report To Congress, Fiscal Year 1996 (Washington:
September 1997).
United States, Department of Defense, Defense Security Assistance
Agency, Defense Articles (Including Excess) and Services (Including
Training) Furnished Foreign Countries and International Organizations
Under the Foreign Military Sales Provisions of The Arms Export Control
Act, Chapter 2 (Washington: August 1998).
United States, Department of Defense, Defense Security Cooperation Agency,
Defense Articles (Including Excess) and Services (Including Training)
Furnished Foreign Countries and International Organizations Under the
Foreign Military Sales Provisions of The Arms Export Control Act, Chapter
2 (Washington: July 1999).
United States, Department of State, Department of Defense, Foreign
Military Assistance Act Report To Congress, Fiscal Year 1996 (Washington:
September 1997).
United States, Department of State, Department of Defense, U.S. Arms
Exports: Direct Commercial Sales Authorizations for Fiscal Year 97
(Washington: August 1998): 1.
United States, Department of State, U.S. Arms Exports: Direct Commercial
Sales Authorizations for Fiscal Year 98 (Washington: July 1999): 20-2.
50
United States, Department of Defense,
"Memorandum for Correspondents," Memorandum no. 176-M, Washington,
November 10, 1999 <http://www.defenselink.mil/news/Nov1999/m11101999_m176-99.html>.
United
States, Export-Import Bank, "Summary of Minutes
of Meeting of Board of Directors, November 22, 1999," Washington,
November 22, 1999 <http://www.exim.gov/summary/nov99wk4.html>.
51 Conversation
with congressional staff, November 1999.
52
U.S. Ambassador to Colombia Curtis Kamman, letter
in response to congressional inquiry, Bogota, November 17, 1998.
.
53
United States, House of Representatives, House Armed
Services Committee Report 106-162 on National Defense Authorization Act,
2000 (Washington: May 24, 1999) <http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/cpquery/z?cp106:hr162:>
Plain text <ftp://ftp.loc.gov/pub/thomas/cp106/hr162.txt>
Adobe Acrobat (.pdf) <http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/thomas2gpo_script/|log_filename=/prd/compr/log/cp106.log||sid=QA4g601pc_tentnirpslaid242phsawcd100-ra-nd||report=|http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/getdoc.cgi?dbname=106_cong_reports&docid=f:hr162.106.pdf>.
Colombia (1999 narrative)
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